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CONTENTS 



PAGE 

iii 



Preface ...... 

CHAPTER 

I. — Abraham Lincoln . . . . i 

II. — Washington City — 1862 ... 46 

III. — The Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons, 

1862-63 ..... 74 

IV. — The War Department and its Head, 

1862-63 . . . . .112 

V. — Incidents OF Provost Duty . -134 

VI. — Free Negroes, Contrabands, and 

Slaves . . . . .162 

VII. — Cabinet Members and Army Officers 170 

VIII. — The Campaign Ending with Chancel- 

lorsville . . . . .186 

IX. — The Campaign Ending with Gettys- 
burg ...... 207 

X. — The Capital IN 1864 — A Diary . . 235 

XI. — Conspiracy Trial, 1865 , . . 255 



Lincoln 



an( 



Episodes of the Civil War 



CHAPTER I 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN * 

Ladies and Gentlemen : We have met to cele- 
brate the one hundredth anniversary of the birth 
of our sixteenth President, Abraham Lincoln, of 
Illinois. We have celebrated his birthday anni- 
versary heretofore, not at the invitation of the 
National Government, nor of all the States, but 
at the request of fourteen States, out of forty-six, 
which have made the day a legal holiday. Seven 
of the Southern States have made a legal holiday 
of June 3d, the birthday of Jefferson Davis, so 
that, in the legislatures, at least, there is no 
unanimity in the distribution of glory, and the 
majority is silent. We all know, however, that, in 
the North, during the forty-four years which have 
elapsed since the war ended, and since Lincoln 
died, at the age of fifty-six, his name has grown in 

* An address delivered at Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, 
Pa., February 12, 1909. 

I 



2 Episodes of the Civil War 

popular esteem — that he is conceded to have been 
the apostle of freedom, the conqueror over great 
odds in a civil war, the emancipator of slaves, and 
the blessed martyr, standing, according to the 
vote taken in 1900 in the Hall of Fame of New 
York University, next to Washington as second 
Father of his Country — two venerable names, 
surpassing in brightness all the twenty-six who 
have held the office of President, It is also known 
that his birth was humble, his race shiftless, his 
education limited and self -acquired, his reputation 
as a lawyer local, his career in Congress creditable, 
but without distinction, and that he rose, from 
a comparatively obscure Western attorney, to 
supreme eminence, at home and abroad, in about 
seven years, between 1858 and 1865. How did 
that come about? To leap from a Springfield law 
office to second place in the Hall of Fame is to 
jump faster and higher than any lawyer ever 
jumped before, and it is interesting to find out 
how he made it. To discover that, we must go 
back briefly, and remind ourselves of what 
happened before 1858, when Lincoln first came 
into public notice. ^ 

Our good forefathers of the thirteen original 
States were, as States, with one exception, slave- 
holders. When they came to associate themselves, 
and to form a constitution, they neither forbade 
nor assented to slavery, but they did insert in 
their document the Bill of Rights, which asserted 
that all men were born free and equal, and that 



Abraham Lincoln 3 

every one was entitled to life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness; charming doctrines which 
Jefferson had borrowed from the salons of Paris 
and which, previously, the salons of Paris had 
acquired from the Swiss philosopher Rousseau. 
When, however, it came to the matter of abolishing 
slavery, which act would cause a loss of property, 
they were hardly ready to give to the blacks the 
liberty they had taken for themselves from 
George III. of England; and so they went no 
further than the abolition of the slave trade, the 
source of the evil, the fair inference being that 
they were willing that slavery should die a natural 
death, and thus not affect injuriously the business 
interests of our illustrious founders. If that was 
the intention, it was not carried out, for, in time, 
cotton raising became very profitable, and, being 
profitable, it was desirable, from the planter's 
point of view, that every new State admitted into 
the Union should form an extension of slavery. 
In addition, the negro, as cook, nurse, and body- 
servant had become a very comfortable and 
seemingly indispensable addition to the planter's 
home and household. On the other hand, human 
bondage in a republic was such a mockery and 
contradiction, and its effect on the masters was 
so demoralizing, that, in the North, succeeding the 
Whig party, a powerful party arose to prevent its 
extension, with one wing demanding abolition — 
compensated or not, but in an^^ case, abolition. 
This quarrel arose in 1830, was debated in the 



4 Episodes of the Civil War 

Senate between Webster and Calhoun, had been 
compromised, the compromise repealed, and the 
question raised on extension or no extension, when 
Kansas came to be admitted. 

Stephen A. Douglas, the "Little Giant" of 
Illinois, was the leader of the Pro-Slavery party 
in the Senate, and much was heard of "Popular 
Sovereignty," "Bleeding Kansas," and "Border 
Ruffians." Buchanan, ^^ a Democrat, was Presi- 
dent. This issue, extension or no extension, was 
up when Lincoln was nominated for the Senate 
by the Republicans of Illinois against Douglas, 
and that was the issue upon which the two de- 
bated, stumping through Illinois. This drew the 
attention of the country to the debaters, and their 
arguments were eagerly read throughout the land. 
I was then a law student at Cambridge and had 
heard Wendell Phillips denounce the Constitution 
as a "Covenant with Hell," and recall the debate. 
Douglas planted himself squarely on the Constitu- 
tion and on the Dred Scott Decision of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, which upheld the 
Fugitive Slave Law, recently delivered. Lincoln 
took his stand on the Constitution, the Bill of 
Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. I 
quote one paragraph from Lincoln's speech of 
August 17, 1858. Speaking of the framers of the 
Declaration, he said: 

Wise statesmen as they were, they knew the ten- 
dency of posterity to breed tyrants and so they 



Abraham Lincoln 5 

established these great self-evident truths, that when 
in the distant future, some man, some faction, some 
interest, should set up the doctrine that none but rich 
men, or none but white men, or none but Anglo-Saxon 
white men, were entitled to life, liberty, and the pur- 
suit of happiness, their posterity might look up again 
to the Declaration of Independence, and take courage 
to renew the battle, which their fathers began, so that 
truth and justice, and all the humane and Christian 
virtues might not be extinguished from the land; so 
that no man should hereafter dare to limit and cir- 
cumscribe the great principles, on which the temple of 
liberty was being built. 

Lincoln was defeated for the Senate, but he was 
hailed as the inspired prophet of liberty, who, 
although he was weak in his technical, legal 
position, avoided the ranting of Garrison and 
Phillips and, on principles far above all common 
and statute law, was invulnerable. In fact, 
slavery never was extended after that debate. 
Lincoln had given it a mortal wound. Thereafter, 
it was clear to the planters that the survival of 
human bondage in twenty-one Northern States 
was out of the question, and that, if it were to 
survive at all, it could survive only under a 
separate government, formed of the seven slave 
States, making slavery its foundation, and trusting 
in the supremacy of cotton to obtain the recogni- 
tion of other powers as an independent sovereign 
state. They made their plans accordingly, pre- 
paring for the event while the army and navy 



6 Episodes of the Civil War 

were under their control, between 1856 and i860, 
when the passive Buchanan retired to his home 
at Wheatland, Pa., surrendering to his successor 
nothing except what the planters considered not 
worth taking along. They left the building but 
took all the money in the treasury. 

I next heard of Lincoln in i860 (while I was a 
student in Germany), as the candidate of the 
Republicans for President and at the same time 
I learned of the threat of seven of the States to 
secede, if he was elected. On the fourth day of 
July of that year, the Americans, of whom about 
one-half were Southerners, celebrated the day 
with a dinner at the "Adler," Heidelberg, which 
proceeded with decorum, until a student from 
Charleston, South Carolina, offered the toast, 
"Here's to the United States, may they ever go 
on, but never Link-on. " This was too much, and 
the war between the States broke out, then and 
there, and took the form of duels to be fought next 
day. These, however, were peaceably settled by 
a Philadelphia lawyer present, who suggested to 
all hands to put off their fighting until they got 
home, when, in all likelihood, they would get more 
of it than they wanted. All of which turned out 
to be true, for, of my own class at Yale, numbering 
105, one-third were in the armies, and ten killed, 
five on each side. No doubt, a similar percentage 
is true among men of other colleges. The gentle- 
man who offered that toast, I am informed, kept 
out of the war altogether. 



Abraham Lincoln 7 

In November, i860, during the election, I was 
at sea on the steamer Vanderbilt, coming home 
with the late Robert H. Sayre, then Chief Engineer 
of the Lehigh Valley Railroad, and Robert Packer, 
eldest son of the President of the road, Judge Asa 
Packer. On landing, we heard that Lincoln had 
been elected, — that all business was at a standstill, 
• — that seven Southern States were about to secede 
from the Union, and, what disturbed my friends 
most, that Lehigh Valley Railroad stock had 
dropped to $30 per share, they little dreaming 
that the impending war would make that railroad 
a source of great profit, and that that profit would 
by 1866 (six years later), through the munificence 
of its President, be used to found a seat of learning 
called Lehigh University. None of the passengers 
on the ship dreamt that the vessel would be 
presented by Commodore Vanderbilt to the 
Government, as his contribution to the cause of 
the Union. I hear that it is still in existence as a 
transport. My companion, another Heidelberg 
student, was bearer of letters from Mr. Hunting- 
ton, then the Paris correspondent of the New York 
Tribune, and I went with him to the Tribune Office, 
where we delivered them to Mr. Charles A. Dana, ' ^ 
then Mr. Greeley's assistant editor. Mr. Dana 
took a gloomy view of the future. He was sure 
there would be an insurrection, and doubted 
Lincoln's ability to put it down. He thought the 
new President a fine orator and an honest man, 
but no more; he, also, little dreaming that, during 



8 Episodes of the Civil War 

the impending war, he would be appointed by Mr. 
Lincoln, Assistant Secretary of War and stand at 
his bedside when he died. 

I first saw Lincoln on February 21, 1861 (while 
I was a student at Philadelphia), on his route 
from Springfield to Washington, to be inaugurated. 
I stood in the crowd at the corner of Ninth 
and Chestnut streets to see him drive from the 
Reading Station to the Continental. He came, 
seated in an open carriage, a person of very large, 
lean frame, dark complexion, jet black hair, full 
beard, no mustache, wearing a high silk hat and 
brown overcoat. His expression was mild, rather 
sad, but firm, as a benevolent person that had 
seen lots of trouble and saw lots more ahead. 
Soon afterward, he appeared on the balcony over 
the Chestnut Street entrance, and spoke very 
briefly. 

Next morning, February 22, 1861, I got up 
early to hear him make a speech at a flag raising 
in front of Independence Hall. The substance of 
what he said was, that, if we cultivated the spirit 
which animated our forefathers, the flag would 
stay there, and that additional stars would be 
placed on the flag, until we numbered many 
millions of happy and prosperous people. Of 
what trouble he had before the election, I knew 
nothing; but we all know of the great troubles 
later borne by him. In December, i860, a few 
months before, the defeated party had made 
good their threat, — not to stay in the Union 



Abraham Lincoln 9 

if he were elected, — seven out of the thirty- 
one States had set up a separate government 
called "The Confederate States of America," had 
adopted a constitution, had elected Jefferson 
Davis, President, and were organizing under a flag 
called the "Stars and Bars," with a uniform of 
gray, an army to defend their possession of the 
custom-houses, forts, arsenals, mints, and other 
property of the United States, which they had 
seized, by fraud and force, and without a shadow 
of title. General Scott, ' commander-in-chief of 
this army, was a Virginian, infirm and of uncertain 
loyalty at that time; Colonel Lee, '^ General 
Scott's Chief of Staff, Twiggs, Johnson, Hardie, 
and many other good West Point officers had 
joined the rebellion, and although Mr. Lincoln 
claimed the Union was incapable, in law, of being 
broken, it was, in fact, broken on a geographical 
line. He knew, moreover, that, to reach Washing- 
ton, he would have to pass through Baltimore, a 
hostile city, and that, if he got there, he would 
land in the District of Columbia, a slave district, 
full of Southern sympathizers, who gave social 
tone to the Capital, and of officers whom he could 
not trust, and that he would be sandwiched 
between the slave States of Virginia, Maryland, 
and Delaware, To save the Union and yet crush a 
rebellion was his job, and it was a task of which 
Senator Lodge says: "No greater, no more diffi- 
cult task, has ever been faced by any man in 
modern times." 



10 Episodes of the Civil War 

I next saw Lincoln in Washington in the fall of 
1 86 1. He had passed through more trouble since 
I had seen him at Philadelphia. In March, he 
had gone to Washington in disguise, and had made 
his inaugural address, in which he said: "We are 
all friends, and must not be enemies. " Scorning 
these advances, however, the rebels, on April 14, 
1 86 1, had bombarded Fort Sumter; the National 
flag had been hauled down ; the rebel flag had been 
hoisted in its place, and, in the North had sprung 
up an excitement unparalleled before or since. 
Party lines had been dissolved, and the outraged 
people arose in wrath to punish treason and to re- 
store the Stars and Stripes to its rightful place. My 
own instructor, a Philadelphia lawyer, and a Demo- 
crat, became deranged and was sent to Kirkbride 
Asylum, where he occupied himself endeavoring 
to perfect a machine for manufacturing aboli- 
tionists. Simon Cameron, ^^ the new Secretary of 
War, had urged Lincoln to use all of the resources 
at his command to stamp out the insurrection, while 
young; to call out five hundred thousand men, to 
free the negroes and arm them, and so place the Con- 
federacy between two fires. Thaddeus Stevens,^" 
of Lancaster, a famous lawyer, who later led John- 
son's impeachment, had advised the President 
that, legally, he could call out a million men, and 
invite the slaves to join the Union Army. The 
arming of the slaves as a war measure was strongly 
advocated by Stevens. General John E. Wool 
wanted two hundred thousand men; so did 



Abraham Lincoln ii 

Sherman. The former was called a dotard, the 
latter, a lunatic. Lincoln refused the advice of 
these men, because he feared it would cause the 
Border States to join the Confederacy, and called 
out seventy thousand men. This action, as it 
turned out, was trying to put out a confla- 
gration with a syringe, for General McDowell'^ 
was routed at Bull Run. Lincoln had now 
called out three hundred thousand men, and a 
second three hundred thousand, who came, singing, 
"We're coming, Father Abraham, three hundred 
thousand more ! " He then appointed McClellan ' ^ 
to command, and that general, during the fall and 
winter of 1861-62, organized the raw levies but 
refused to advance against the enemy at Manassas, 
although, it turned out later, only wooden cannon 
were mounted in front of the city at Munson's 
Hill. In March, 1862, the President persuaded 
McClellan to advance, and the general moved 
(reluctantly, for he claimed he never had troops 
enough) towards the James River. At this stage, 
twenty thousand troops, left behind to defend 
Washington City, were placed under command of 
General James S. Wadsworth, - Military Governor, 
who appointed me, as successor of General Andrew 
Porter, Provost Marshal of his military district, 
which extended from the Occoquan to Wicomico 
Bay, and who gave me command of a mixed brigade 
of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, and a corps of 
detectives. A flotilla on the Potomac, under 
Commodore Harwood, also reported to me. 



12 Episodes of the Civil War 

With this force, I was expected to keep order in 
the cities of Georgetown and Washington, to 
prevent blockade running, to receive and keep 
for exchange all prisoners of State and War, to 
take care of all contrabands, or fugitive negroes, 
to control passes to all persons or goods entering 
or leaving the city, to supervise all invoices, to 
regulate all sales of liquor and places of amusement, 
and to perform many other duties, two of which 
were to guard the person of the President and to 
report daily, in person, to Mr. Stanton, or his 
assistant, Peter Watson, at the War Department, 
where the President was often seen reading the 
telegrams as they came in from the front, or 
conferring with the officers about him. All of this 
routine continued until March, 1863, when I got 
leave to rejoin my regiment of cavalry in the field. 
During the whole of this year, Lincoln, while 
thoroughly trusted as a man for his honesty and 
sincerity, was not satisfactory as a leader. When 
I first reached Washington, the radicals were dis- 
satisfied with him because he refused to abolish 
slavery and was determined to make the salvation 
of the Union the prime object in the war; the 
conservatives were grumbling because he did not 
seem to measure up to the size of the job on his 
hands; and the country, generally, was uneasy 
because his efforts, so far, to suppress the rebellion, 
had been a costly and humiliating failure. In 
fact, up to that time, the main fruits of the war 
had been heaps of coffins sent home by express, 



Abraham Lincoln 13 

containing the bodies of lads who had died of camp 
fever, without having heard a shot fired, or having 
been near the enemy. This dissatisfaction rather 
increased between March, 1862, and March, 1863, 
for, although Grant had taken Forts Henry and 
Donelson, the Monitor had sunk the Confederate 
Merrimac, and Farragut had captured New Orleans, 
yet, McClellan made no headway toward captur- 
ing Richmond. Pope, '^ his successor, was badly 
beaten at the second Bull Run, because, it was 
claimed, McClellan's friends did not support him; 
McClellan, on being reinstated, fought at Antietam, 
a battle which was, at best, a draw; Burnside was 
repulsed at Fredericksburg, the army again went 
into winter quarters at Aquia Creek, no nearer to 
Richmond than two years before, and the appoint- 
ment of a dictator was cautiously discussed at 
Washington and in the field. At Washington, the 
name of General Butler was hinted at in that 
connection. The most acrimonious critic of 
Lincoln's Administration at this time was Count 
Adam Gurowski, in his Diary printed at Boston, 
in 1862. 

It was while this condition of affairs lasted, 
when the popular elections were going against 
Lincoln, and General Wads worth was defeated for 
Governor of New York by Horatio Seymour, a 
Democrat, that I saw most of Lincoln, sometimes 
on horseback, riding down Pennsylvania Avenue, 
beside his son Tad, or walking to Dr. Gurley's 
Presbyterian Church on New York Avenue, or 



14 Episodes of the Civil War 

strolling between the White House and War 
Department, where he would stop and talk with 
his bodyguard of Illinois Cavalry, or, yet again 
at receptions, in the company of senators, ladies, 
or any one who wanted to see him, for he wanted to 
see everybody, to keep in touch with the people, 
and to take what he called his "public-opinion 
baths." Most often I saw him, when he sent for 
me about some Provost business. The impression 
he made on me I give for what it may be worth. 

As regards his appearance, Lincoln had the 
reputation, before he came East, of being a homely 
man, and, speaking generally, it may be said he 
deserved it. His features were not regular, his 
complexion was sallow, his hair was lank; a large 
wart disfigured his right cheek, his mouth was 
somewhat drawn on one side, and his big, bony 
hands and feet alone would have deprived him 
of the right to be called an Adonis. His gestures 
were awkward and clumsy, and he appeared to go 
through receptions or other fashionable functions 
like a martyr. This was especially noticeable 
when Miss Kate Chase, daughter of Secretary 
Chase, afterwards wife of General Sprague of 
Rhode Island, assisted, as she often did, in the ab- 
sence of Mrs. Lincoln, and fascinated every one by 
her beauty and graceful manners. At the period 
of which I speak Lincoln usually looked haggard 
and tired, an expression that, however, was 
readily explained by the state of the Union cause, 
which was then at its lowest ebb. General after 



Abraham Lincoln 15 

general had been tried and found wanting, advance 
after advance had always ended in retreats within 
the defenses of Washington; the Confederate 
sympathizers were hurrahing, under the shadow of 
the Capitol, at the discomfiture of him whom they 
were pleased to call the "Jester," the "Tyrant," 
and the "Buffoon," while the Union men at the 
other end of the city hung their heads and mut- 
tered about "incapables," "imbeciles," and "time 
for a dictator." 

On horseback, also, Lincoln made a poor figure, 
riding without straps, his feet turned outward, 
and his arms flapping up and down with the bridle. 
In walking, his legs seemed to drag from the knees 
down, like those of a laborer going home after a 
hard day's work. 

On the other hand, in the War Department, 
when he was standing up straight, dressed in black, 
showing his full six feet four inches in height, and 
was reading the despatches from the field as they 
were handed him by the operator, while making 
his comments to the Secretary or principal officers, 
his calm gigantic bulk looming up high above 
Stanton, Halleck, and McClellan (all short, pursy 
men) had an imposing effect, highly becoming in 
the active head of a vast army, and entitled him 
to be called a man of comely proportions. 

So when he sat quietly on a big, gray horse in 
the field, beside General Hooker, '^ taking off his 
silk hat, and bowing to the squadrons as we 
marched past in review, at Aquia Creek, before 



1 6 Episodes of the Civil War 

our advance to Chancellorsville in April, 1863, he 
was as proper a figure as one would care to see. 

Or again, when, radiant with happiness, he 
appeared on the front balcony of the White House, 
in answer to the call of a crowd, as he did just 
after his return from Richmond and the surrender 
of Lee, and slowly rolled out his pithy sentences, 
tinged with Western humor, he seemed to me 
positively handsome. The band on that occasion 
had played Dixie, and he told us, among other 
things, that he "always liked that tune, and liked 
it better now than ever, for we had captured it, 
and it fairly belonged to us." I do not know 
whether, after Richmond fell, Lincoln felt that it 
was time to take off his old clothes and spruce up, 
but he certainly did look, during the speech I 
have mentioned, after Lee's surrender, better 
dressed and groomed than I had ever before 
seen him. 

As regards his moods, it was said at the time 
that he was subject to long fits of depression, 
almost trance-like, but of these I saw nothing. 
In business he was bright, kind, careful not to 
wound the feelings of others, and surprisingly 
keen and sagacious. 

As regards his oratory, I never heard him make 
a professional or political speech, and therefore, 
except from reading such, I cannot judge of his 
ability in that line. When I did hear him, he 
spoke as President in time of war, and as one 
having authority, and when people would listen 



Abraham Lincoln 17 

to no other kind of talk. Speaking with those 
advantages, his awkward gestures made an im- 
pression of sincerity, and this, coupled with clear 
ideas conveyed in terse phrases, seemed to me the 
highest form of eloquence. 

In conversation, he was a patient, attentive 
listener, rather looking for the opinion of others, 
than hazarding his own, and trying to view a 
matter in all of its phases before coming to a 
conclusion. On ordinary affairs, his conversation 
was such as one would expect from a Western 
lawyer who had been a good deal in politics, full of 
stories drawn from his experiences as farmer, 
flatboatman on the Mississippi, storekeeper, and 
riding the circuits when practicing law in Illinois. 
The stories certainly were often racy, but they 
were always humorous and in point. Often, one 
succeeded the other, and story-telling became the 
rage at the Capitol. And many a story was 
credited to him, that he never told. My good 
friend, John Hay,^ caught it from his Chief, and 
soon became, next to Lincoln, the best story-teller 
in Washington. It was at the same time that the 
President set the fashion of "feeling the public 
pulse, " and accepting the "logic of events. " 

When conversation took a wider range, he 
disclosed a mind singularly free from the delusions 
of vanity which turn people's heads in high places, 
and a level head, incapable of fooling itself, or 
being fooled by others. 

Measuring himself accurately, he knew perfectly 



1 8 Episodes of the Civil War 

that he was no polished Southern gentleman, like 
Wade Hampton, for example, nor cultivated 
Boston scholar, like Charles Sumner, but a modest 
shoot of poor whites from Kentucky, who, through 
the reading of Shakespeare and the Bible, had 
become a writer of uncommonly good English, 
who had, by hard work, reached local but not 
national prominence at the bar, and who had, in 
politics, been luclcy enough to establish in the 
debate with Stephen A. Douglas, on the slavery 
question, that reputation which led to his nomina- 
tion by the Republican party, when the division 
of Democracy, split into three fragments, per- 
mitted his election as President. We know now 
that he was probably the one man in the country 
able to save it, but if this was so, he seemed 
unconscious of it. 

As regards religion, I have said that Lincoln 
attended Dr. Gurley's Presbyterian Church. He 
was, however, not a church member, and I quote 
from Mr. Deming, as to what the President said 
to him on that subject • 

I have never united myself to any church, because 
I have found difficulty in giving my assent, without 
mental reservation, to a long, complicated statement 
of Christian Doctrine, which characterizes the Articles 
of Belief, and Confessions of Faith. When any church 
shall inscribe on its altar, as its sole qualification for 
membership, the Saviour's condensed statement of 
the substance of both law and gospel, "Thou shalt 
love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, and with 



Abraham Lincoln 19 

all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and thy neighbor 
as thyself," that church will I join with all my heart 
and all my soul. 

Measuring the office of President, he realized 
that it was nothing that should turn the head of a 
sensible man — that it was a temporary elevation 
to be followed (even if it extended over eight years) 
by an old age of eclipse when he would either have 
to live on his savings from his salary or scramble 
for practice again among his younger competitors 
at Springfield. This humility formed a refreshing 
contrast with the haughty pretensions of the so- 
called "first families "—the pompous importance 
of contractors, and the supercilious airs put on by 
regulars, the naval officers, and marines, towards 
citizens and volunteers — a spirit that crystallized 
itself into contempt for everything not West 
Point or McClellan, and never ended until the 
court-martial of one of McClellan's generals, which, 
although set aside later, had a healthy effect at 
the time. Apropos of that, the lady with whom the 
general lodged at Washington (a red Lee — General 
Lee was a black Lee) told me the general never real- 
ized his sentence until a silk hat he had ordered, 
after his dismissal, came to the house with a card 
in the band on which was written, before his name, 
"Mister." 

Measuring people around him, Lincoln seemed to 
know thoroughly what was valuable about them 
and what was not. Seward might be over-conii- 



20 Episodes of the Civil War 

dent, but that was a good thing, when everybody 
else had the blues. Chase might be ambitious, but 
he knew how to raise funds. Stanton might be 
irritable and violent, but he had energy, and 
unquestioned loyalty. The judgment of Welles, 
if slow, was sound. McClellan lacked the fighting 
instinct and might be no match for Lee, but who 
was? And was not McClellan the idol of his army? 
Greeley might be erratic, but he was sincere. 

It did seem, however, that he was sometimes 
imposed on, in the appointment of "political 
generals," as they were called; but really he was 
not. For example, a gay Irishman, a leading 
criminal lawyer from New York, came along one 
day, with a delegation from his State, to be ap- 
pointed a brigadier. He had never seen a day's 
service in his life, and to the surprise of every one, 
got a commission. He then invited the President's 
secretaries, his son Bob, Colonel, later Sir John 
Puleston,s with myself, to a dinner at Willard's, 
at which the new general made a rollicking speech 
to the effect that he had been conscious all along 
that the country needed a military genius com- 
pared with whom Napoleon and Caesar were 
blockheads; that he himself was that "ganius"; 
that his friends in New York forbade his concealing 
himself any longer; and that now he was here to 
whip Lee and give the rebels a taste of what the 
Field Marshal of Tipperary could do, when he made 
up his "moind," etc. As I learned afterwards, 
the fact was, he had promised Lincoln to raise a 



Abraham Lincoln 21 

brigade of Irishmen, and to resign as soon as they 
were mustered in — all of which he did, as promised, 
and then retired. Another of Lincoln's appoint- 
ments caused amusement. The colonel of a New 
York regiment, a man of wealth and related to 
the Astors, but of no military value, spent all the 
winter of 1861-62 in the city, while his regiment 
lay in the woods and was neglected. His indignant 
officers sent him a "Round Robin," protesting, 
and requesting him to come out, drill, and attend 
to them, as other colonels did. He made no reply. 
They then sent a petition to the Secretary of War, 
asking for his removal or resignation. The colonel 
got it and made no answer, but quietly went to 
work and had himself appointed brigadier-general 
by the President, put on his new uniform, drove 
to his camp, and had the regiment assembled. 
He then mounted a cracker-box, and made them 
the following address: "Called, by the President 
of the United States, to a higher and more im- 
portant sphere of military duty, your colonel 
commanding, now humbly begs to take leave of 
you." With that he drew back his overcoat, 
showed his star and yellow sash, and drove back 
to town. Soon after, he resigned. 

Measuring the temper of the North, Lincoln 
recognized that he represented the immense mid- 
dle class of conservative men, who were neither 
abolitionists nor pro-slavery men, but who were 
firmly resolved that the IMississippi River must 
always flow through one Republic from its source 



22 Episodes of the Civil War 

to the sea, that the Union was older than the 
Constitution, and must be preserved, at any cost 
of men or money, holding on to slavery or giving 
it up, if necessary, but never giving up the Union. 
He was sure as long as he stuck to that, the country 
would sustain him, and it did. 

In minor matters, however, the people were 
often in advance. Lincoln, with his conciliatory 
temper, made himself believe that, if the politicians 
would come to an understanding, the war would 
stop. The people, North and South, knew it had 
to be fought out to a finish. Lincoln underesti- 
mated the strength of secession, — the people did 
not ; Lincoln found it hard to make up his mind 
to replace McClellan, — the people made up their 
minds on that subject, long before the general was 
superseded. I notice that recent historians praise 
Lincoln's policy in deferring the Emancipation 
Proclamation two years, viz., to January i, 1863, 
instead of April, 1861, when Fort Sumter was 
fired upon, as a piece of superior wisdom, so as to 
hold the Border States. The wisdom of that must 
always be an open question. I am sure that such 
was not the impression of Lincoln's surroundings 
at that time. The Border States were considered 
of little weight, whichever side they went. The 
real reason given out was, that Lincoln was a 
lawyer, bound by decisions and precedents, who 
had taken an oath to obey and execute the laws; 
thus to expect him, at once, in April, 1861, in 
presence of Judge Taney, who still sat as Chief 



Abraham Lincoln 23 

Justice at the other end of the Capitol, to declare 
the Dred Scott Decision's ^^d law, as well as to 
direct the United States Marshal to disobey as 
null and void the warrants for the return of fugi- 
tives issued him every day, at the instance of 
Wise and Allen, slave-catchers, by the commis- 
sioners who sat in the City Hall, was asking too 
much. The respecter of law and decisions had to 
wait until the abolition of slavery and disobedience 
to law were forced on him by dire necessity, after 
all other means had been tried and had failed.'^ 
Lincoln has himself given, in substance, this ex- 
planation in his letter to Mr. Hodges, dated April 
4, 1864. As regards his reluctance to remove 
McClellan at popular newspaper demand, it 
should be remembered that the President had 
discovered by his experience with the "Onward to 
Richmond" cry, and the Bull Run disaster, that 
editors are not always the safest leaders to follow 
in war. None knew better than he, the hold 
McClellan had on the affection and confidence of 
the rank and file of the Army of the Potomac. 
This was proven later on, when Hooker having 
been removed, on the march to Gettysburg, a 
rumor circulated in the army that "Little Mac" 
was again at their head; the news was received 
with "hurrahs, " but when it was found that Meade 
was the man, there was no enthusiasm at all. 
So Lincoln let McClellan go on, until he became 
openly insubordinate, and patience had ceased to 
be a virtue. 



24 Episodes of the Civil War 

In my daily inspections of the guards at the 
hospitals at Washington, I often met the President, 
quietly going through the wards, giving a kind 
word to one, and a cheerful message to another, 
and it was impossible not to be convinced that 
the sufferings and tragedies of this great struggle 
touched a tender chord in his nature, and that he 
felt deeply the crippling and slaughter of so many 
fine young men, the diseases, bereavements, 
funerals, and mourning on both sides, very much as 
an affectionate father would feel that in his own 
family. For relief, he would turn to the comic 
side of affairs, and amuse himself reading the 
letters from the " Confederit X Roads, " the squibs 
of Artemus Ward and Orpheus C. Kerr, the ex- 
travagant praise of himself in some of the Republi- 
can journals, and caricatures and denunciations of 
himself in the hostile press. Especially, do I 
remember his laughing at a parody of the Episcopal 
Church service, which appeared in Vanity Fair, 
in which his name was invoked as the Lord's, 
especially the line, "The noble army of contractors, 
praise Him!" 

How little he cared for ostentation is shown by 
an incident relating to his bodyguard. For the 
protection of his life, it was thought necessary to 
detail a company of cavalry to escort him daily 
from the White House to the Soldiers' Home, where 
he lived. The orders from the War Department 
to the Captain were to keep up with Lincoln. 
But Lincoln was not going to be driven i.i state 



Abraham Lincoln 25 

like a European monarch, and no sooner was he 
inside his carriage than he ordered his driver to 
put the horses to the top of their speed and get 
away from the bodyguard, or "Janissaries," as 
the Confederate ladies of Washington were pleased 
to call them. In this way he managed to leave his 
escort way in the rear. 

The point of view from which I saw the Presi- 
dent most frequently was, when he was applied 
to as the last resort by people complaining of the 
rigors of military administration at the Capitol. 
At such times I would be summoned to appear, or 
appeared on my own hook. I will give you two 
instances, involving two of his biographers — Ward 
Lamon, U. S. Marshal, and Mr. Arnold, member 
of Congress from Illinois. 

On one occasion. Major (later General) Buford 
of the Regulars, boarding at the "Kirkwood 
House," made written and sworn complaint of a 
certain Western doctor, who had been dismissed 
from our army for immoral practices, charging 
that he was staying at the same hotel, wearing a 
major's uniform, and still carrying on those 
practices to the disgrace of the service. The 
matter was investigated, found true, and the 
guard ordered to arrest him, cut off his army 
buttons, and discharge him, which was done. 

Soon Mr. Arnold (the biographer and Congress- 
man I have named) appeared at my office and 
demanded in a haughty tone to be shown the 
documents on which this outrage had been com- 



26 Episodes of the Civil War 

mitted on his friend, the Doctor, who was also a 
friend of Lincoln's. Mr. Arnold was told that we 
had positive orders to show documents to no one 
except the Secretary of War or the President. 
This angered him, and he threatened to show me 
what it meant to offend the President, and went 
away. Soon there arrived an orderly with a letter 
from Mr. Arnold to Lincoln, stating the circum- 
stances, and demanding redress for the outrage 
on himself as well as on Dr. X., their mutual 
friend. On the back of this was endorsed: "Will 
the Marshal kindly bring the documents to my 
office? A. Lincoln." Of course, I brought them. 
The President examined them and said: "So you 
ordered the Doctor's buttons cut off? I am sorry 
I cannot approve this sentence," whereupon he 
indicated that it should have been more severe, 
and, laughing, returned to me the papers. 

On another occasion information was brought 
that a negro woman named Rachel Sutherland, 
who had come into our lines, at Fairfax Court 
House, with a "military protection" from the 
General at the front, a paper which entitled her 
to our protection at the "Contraband Camp" 
(usually 2500 in number) until she could be sent 
North, had, while a cook at Harewood hospital, 
been kidnapped by Washington slave-catchers, 
was being held under the Fugitive Slave Law, by 
United States Marshal Lamon, and under a 
warrant from the commissioners was in Washing- 
ton jail awaiting return to her master. On inves- 



Abraham Lincoln 27 

tigation, this was found to be correct, and I 
requested Lamon to give her up to me. He refused 
and pointed to his warrant. I took a company of 
infantry to the jail, and threatened to break down 
the door. Lamon then called for a posse comitatis, 
but no one responded. Senator McDougal, of 
California, then appeared and made a speech on 
the Constitution, and cited the Dred Scott Deci- 
sion of Judge Taney. I offered to refer the matter 
to the Military Governor, which did not suit 
Lamon. He offered to submit it to the Supreme 
Court, which did not suit me. Finally, we agreed 
that I should leave my company of infantry at the 
jail, and that we should go together to Lincoln, 
and let him decide. He heard both sides and 
declined to interfere, but "guessed that if I wanted 
to take the woman, Lamon could not prevent it." 
Lamon saw the force of that and gave her up. I 
returned her to Harewood. 

Lincoln, it seemed to me, thought as a lawyer 
who had a strong leaning towards the equitable 
side of every case and who was ever ready to 
temper justice with mercy. In fact, that he would 
have made an excellent chancellor. 

On one occasion, I was in the War Office when a 
judge of the courts of an interior county of Pennsyl- 
vania came in with his son, a colonel of volunteers, 
to ask for an extension of sick leave, which Dr. 
Clymer, the examining surgeon, had refused. The 
judge and the son earnestly assured Mr. Stanton 
that the son was unfit for the field, and the latter 



28 Episodes of the Civil War 

offered to resign rather than go to the front. Mr. 
Stanton insisted the son was shamming, pushed 
him to the door, and said: "To your regiment, sir, 
or I shall dismiss you." The judge drew himself 
up and said: "Sir, he shall not go to the front, 
but he shall go with me to your superior, the 
President, who, I know, will treat him and me with 
decency. " They went to the President, who heard 
them patiently, and then extended the leave, on 
expiration of which, the colonel went to the front. 

On another occasion, an Irishman, who kept a 
whisky mill on Capitol Hill, which was torn out 
by the guard because of his repeated sales (then 
forbidden) of liquor to soldiers, came to me in a 
towering rage and demanded his liquor back. I 
refused it. He then went to the War Office, which 
called for my report, and was again refused. 
Shortly after, he came with an order from the 
President to me, to give him back the confiscated 
stock. I did so, but was curious to know how he 
had managed it. "Och, " said he, "he axed me to 
set down and tell me sthory, and I showed him me 
papers. Then, says he, 'Mr. McCarthy, kin 
you vote?' 'Yis, yer Honor,' says I, 'and its 
meself as voted for you for President in New York, 
but de'ill a bit will I vote for you agin, if you don't 
give me backh my whisky.' Then, Sur, he gave 
me the ordher. " 

I have said Lincoln made a poor figure on horse- 
back. One day, Major Biddle, in charge of the 
mounted patrol, riding up Pennsylvania Avenue, 



Abraham Lincoln 29 

met two officers with a civilian between them, all 
mounted, and, as was his duty, asked for their 
passes. The party rode on, taking no notice of 
Biddle. "Show your passes," cried Biddle, "or 
I'll arrest you. " The party halted and the civilian 
said: "It's all right. Lieutenant; these officers are 
going with me across the river." "And who the 
deuce may you be?" said Biddle. "Oh, I am Mr. 
Lincoln, the President of the United States." 
Biddle bowed in disgust, and explained to me he 
had taken Lincoln for a Maryland farm.er. 

During my time, there were no substantial 
proofs of plots against the person of Lincoln. One 
day, a person appeared before him to give him 
advice about the proper conduct of the war. He 
called himself " Major-General of the Anti- 
Renters," and stated that he had been imprisoned 
at Richmond in "Castle Thunder" and had on his 
person vast schemes of strategy. He was released 
on the ground of insanity. 

On another occasion, I received a letter mailed 
in Ohio, stating that the intended assassin of 
Lincoln, on his first trip to Washington, was living 
in a certain town in Ohio, and offering, on certain 
conditions, to reveal him. Major Allen, head of 
my detective bureau, then told me that Pinkerton 
had discovered the plot at Baltimore and had 
warned the President of it, at the Continental 
Hotel, Philadelphia. I returned the letter and 
heard no more of it. 

An Englishman was once arrested and confined 



so Episodes of the Civil War 

on strong charges of having swindled soldiers 
out of their pay. His case was taken up before 
the President, by Mr. Odell, Congressman from 
New York. Lincoln saw the documents, handed 
them back to me, and refused to interfere. 

In this war, as in other civil wars, many things 
which were not according to law, in time of peace, 
were forced by necessity, in particular the arrest 
and imprisonment of citizens in the Old Capitol 
and Carrol prisons, without hearing or trial, and 
the summary dismissal of officers in our army, 
without court-martial. Lincoln, however, was too 
shrewd to direct these arrests and dismissals him- 
self, and left the odium of them to be shouldered 
by Secretary Seward, Secretary Stanton, the 
Military Governor, and General Halleck, ^ and I 
cannot now recall, in my time, one instance in 
which he appeared as the author, although these 
arbitrary arrests were charged up against him 
when he ran for President a second time.* A 
most interesting chapter might be written about 
these prisoners, including high officers in the Union 
Army, spies, editors, Confederates, and many 
others, among them Mrs. Rose Greenhough and 
daughter, Mrs. Morris, Mrs. Bagsley, Belle Boyd, 
Miss Dietz, and others, — and possibly it will be, 
when the "Old Capitol" gives up its secrets. On 
that subject it is enough to say now, in passing, 
that the Southern ladies, bred under the slave 
regime, had a peculiarly fascinating and seductive 
power over men, which, when they came to exercise 



Abraham Lincoln 31 

it on wavering Union officers, was found by some 
of these impossible to resist. But that is another 
story. 

Lincoln was seldom without one or the other of 
his two secretaries — Hay and Nicolay — two law 
students of his at Springfield, whom he had 
brought with him. Nicolay was chief and Hay 
assistant. Mr. Hay was a graduate of Brown 
University, genial, bright, and witty. Mr. Nicolay, 
a Bavarian, who had come to America at the age 
of four, grave, and valued for his fidelity. He had 
been successively printer, editor, schoolmaster, 
and finally, law student. Shortly before Lincoln's 
death, he had appointed Major Hay (so called 
because he got major's pay and was detailed as 
aide-de-camp) Secretary of Legation at Madrid, 
and Nicolay, Consul-General at Paris. They were 
both in great distress lest they should not be 
confirmed, but the Senate hastened to perform 
that graceful act. Lincoln's son Roberf was 
then a student at Harvard, and much in the 
secretaries' company during vacations. He af- 
fected the English style, but was esteemed a 
very clever fellow, and joined us at the Metropoli- 
tan Club, our headquarters. The rest of us met 
at Philp's, a stationer, of the firm of Philp & 
Solomon, who received his gentlemen friends 
every Sunday evening, and where affairs of State 
were discussed. The two secretaries were much 
courted for their supposed influence, but I do not 
remember any one who could boast of having 



32 Episodes of the Civil War 

obtained any favor through them. Their Chief 
made up his own mind. At these reunions, Mr. 
Hay was generally called, in sport, the "Niagara 
Commissioner." 

Of Mrs. Lincoln I saw very little. There were 
rumors at the time that she was, through family 
connections, a Secessionist, but I strongly doubt 
the truth of this. There was, in my time, a Todd, 
a relative of hers, a Confederate prisoner of the 
Old Capitol, but he did not try to avail himself of 
his relationship, and I am sure it would have done 
him no good if he had. 

As regards the threat of a dictatorship I have 
mentioned, Lincoln knew perfectly well that if 
there was one thing the American people were 
afraid would happen, if the Union were broken up, 
it was, that the United States would have a succes- 
sion of South American dictatorships, and that 
any one who tried it would fail. Hence he wrote 
as he did, to General Joe Hooker when he put 
him in command, after Burnside was relieved: 

I have heard in such a way as to believe it, of your 
recently saying that both the army and the govern- 
ment needed a dictatorship. Of course, it was not for 
this, but in spite of it, that I have given you the com- 
mand. Only those generals who gain successes can 
set up dictators. What I ask of you is military success 
and I will risk the dictatorship. 

Hooker failed to supply the military successes 
asked of him, but on July 3 and 4, 1863, Meade* 



Abraham Lincoln 33 

at Gettysburg and Grant'" at Vicksburg did 
furnish them to such a degree, that every one 
could see the back of the rebelHon was broken, and 
that, with the sympathy our cause gained in 
Europe by freeing the slaves, the road to victory, 
while still long, was comparatively easy ; and it was 
so found when traveled on land by Generals 
Thomas," Logan, Sherman,'^ and Sheridan '^ and 
by Admirals Foote, Farragut, and Winslow, at sea. 
Of course, Lincoln not only regained his lost 
popularity, but was more popular than ever, as he 
had reckoned, so that when the Republican Con- 
vention met in June, 1864, he was renominated, 
was reelected by two hundred and twelve electoral 
votes against McClellan's twenty-one, and was 
re-inaugurated March 4, 1865. 
He at that time said: 

With malice towards none, charity for all, with firm- 
ness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let 
us strive to finish the work we are in, to bind up the 
nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne 
the battle, and for his widow and orphan, to do all 
which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting 
peace among ourselves and with all nations. 

This was said March 4, 1865. About a month 
later, April 9, 1865, Lee surrendered; the Stars 
and Bars came down; the gray uniform was dis- 
carded; the sham Confederacy was obliterated; 
the Government regained possession of all its terri- 
tory, and the Union restored without a slave in it. 
3 



34 Episodes of the Civil War 

It would be a great error, however, from what is 
said in praise of Lincoln, to infer that all this was 
due to his wisdom, and I should not like to be 
understood as so believing. As he puts it himself 
his generals in the field, and, of course, his naval 
officers, had to succeed, before he could succeed, 
and hence, rightly considered, he owed his own 
success largely to them. But neither Lincoln nor 
his officers could have succeeded without the 
efforts of one man in Washington, who, without 
parade, speeches, or applause, raised, equipped, 
and supplied the army which, at last, included a 
million men, and pressed it forward with untiring 
energy towards the destruction of the Richmond 
government. He cared mighty little for the 
Declaration of Independence, or the negro, but 
he was bound to extinguish Jefferson Davis's 
arrogant pretensions to authority, and did so, 
effectually. That person was Edwin M. Stanton, 
of Ohio, the "inexorable Danton," as Mrs. 
Morris called him. And neither Lincoln nor his 
officers, nor Stanton, nor Gideon Welles, nor 
Salmon P. Chase, nor W. H. Seward, taken 
separately or together, could have succeeded, 
without twenty millions of patriotic people behind 
them, determined to cut up slavery and disunion 
by the roots, and to furnish all the men and 
money needed to do it. 

Nevertheless, rich as the North was in men and 
money, as compared with the South, it is, in my 
opinion, unlikely the North could have overcome 



Abraham Lincoln 35 

that brave and determined people, had it not 
turned out that the person selected as Chief 
Magistrate in the North happened to disclose, 
as the war came on, that he was supplied with an 
extraordinary stock of common sense, good nature, 
and trust in the everlasting justice of God, and 
was thereby admirably fitted to lead a host of 
freemen in a furious, armed struggle for greater 
freedom, and was, also, able to see clearly, at a 
time when machine politicians and scientific 
generals were groping about, bewildered, in the 
dark. That he had these talents, however, is not 
due to the foresight of the people of the North 
when they selected him for the first time, for they 
did not know it, and he could not know it himself, 
for his experience had only been on the platform, 
or at the bar, and not in saving Unions or suppress- 
ing rebellions. That must be ascribed to Provi- 
dence or good fortune, favoring the North. 

Neither is it any demerit in Lincoln that he was 
forced, through the breaking out of the war, 
during his term, to show how great these talents 
were, by playing as captain in a game, at which 
the whole world was looking, and watching the 
skill of the players. That was his good fortune. 

On April 14th, or five days later, a half-crazy 
actor, anxious to draw public attention to him- 
self, shot Lincoln in his box at Ford's Theater, 
where he was sitting with his wife, Lieutenant 
Rathbone of the regular army, and Miss Harris, 
daughter of United States Senator Ira Harris from 



36 Episodes of the Civil War 

New York, to whom Rathbone was engaged to 
be married, the murderer pretending that he was 
killing a tyrant. Every sane man in the country, 
North or South, knew that Lincoln, the most 
amiable and indulgent of men, was everything 
that a tyrant is not, and that if Booth was aiming 
at tyrants, he shot the wrong man. I do not say 
there were no officers then at Washington who 
did use their powers tyrannically. Who they were, 
and what their tyrannical acts were is, however, 
again, another story. Next morning, April 
15th, Lincoln died, and about nine o'clock I saw his 
body conveyed from the house in which he died to 
the White House. I was standing at the corner of 
15th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue, near my 
law office, and saw the hearse pass with a white 
sheet and flag thrown over the body. And never 
before or since have I heard a crowd as that was, 
composed mostly of negroes, men and women, 
utter so loud and piercing a wail, as these mourners 
uttered, when the body passed close to them. It 
seemed as if the whole world had lost a dear, 
personal friend, whose loss was not to be repaired. 
And the succeeding years showed it never was 
repaired, for the Confederates or emancipated 
slaves. 

The funeral cortege then proceeded to Oak 
Ridge Cemetery near Springfield, Illinois, where he 
lies buried. 

Immediately after his death began to arise a 
vast mass of literature about him, in prose and 



Abraham Lincoln 37 

poetry, by close friends and by others who had 
never seen him, and that mass is still growing. 
Almost anything in Lincoln's name seemed to find 
a ready sale — and now our children recite the 
Gettysburg speech beginning — "Four score and 
seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this 
continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and 
dedicated to the proposition that all men are 
created equal," and Whitman's ode beginning, 
" O Captain, My Captain, our fearful trip is done, " 
and Lincoln's favorite poem beginning, "Oh, 
why should the spirit of mortal be proud?" In 
this literature, naturally, the work of his secre- 
taries (a work of affection) holds first rank. 
During its progress, it was my privilege to be in 
correspondence with Mr. Hay and from him I got 
some facts not in the work. He says, while 
describing the murder of his Chief, that every one 
in the box came to a tragic end. I knew, of course, 
that Mrs. Lincoln died insane, but I had never 
heard that Lieutenant Rathbone, or his intended, 
ever came to a tragic end, and as I knew Rath- 
bone, intimately, and often heard him tell what 
happened, in fact, took him driving while his arm 
was in bandages from the cut Booth gave him, I 
wrote to Mr. Hay for an explanation. He then 
wrote that Rathbone, after he had married Miss 
Harris and had children, went with them to Han- 
over, Germany, to educate them, that while there, 
he became insane and attempted to kill his whole 
family ; that he did kill his wife, but not his chil- 



38 Episodes of the Civil War 

dren, and that he was then Hving in a lunatic 
asylum in Germany. 

To Lincoln the tragedy was — that he did not 
live to see how grateful the people were for what 
he had done, and that he missed the chance of 
enjoying the Union he had restored, and of watch- 
ing the immense impulse the removal of slavery 
has given his country, especially the States that 
had been in rebellion. It is also to be regretted 
that Lincoln did not live to see ratified and 
adopted by the necessary number of States, the 
resolution proposed by Congress to the Senate, 
January 31, 1865, abolishing slavery or involun- 
tary servitude in the United States or any place 
within their jurisdiction, the thirteenth amend- 
ment of the Constitution, as it was adopted about 
eight months after his death, on December 18, 
1865. 

I hardly think any friend of his need deplore his 
not being compelled (as he would have been, had 
he lived through his second term) to wrestle with 
the problem of reconstruction, which proved 
unfortunate for his successor, Andrew Johnson; 
for, had he done so, he might easily have left office 
in 1869, with a reputation somewhat blemished, 
which, at the age of sixty, would not have been 
easy to restore. It was not to be so. The shot 
fired at Ford's Theater struck him when the sun 
of his glory was at its full meridian height, and it 
has stayed there, never waning but growing in 
splendor, so that at the end of forty-four years, it 



Abraham Lincoln 39 

shines brighter than on the day he died, and 
promises to shine brighter still, as our Southern 
friends realize, more and more, that their "lost 
cause" was lost, not from lack of courage or skill, 
or because the gentle Abraham Lincoln was 
against them, but because God, nature, and the 
moral sense of the nineteenth century were against 
them, in their efforts to preserve slavery; that 
whoever contributed to deliver them from it 
was their benefactor, and the greatest of them — 
Abraham Lincoln. 

Let us then be thankful that Lincoln had, at 
least, five days intervening between April 9 and 
14, 1865, in which to rejoice that the prophetic 
words uttered by Webster in 1830, "Liberty and 
Union, now and forever, one and inseparable, " had 
come true, that it was hereafter out of the power 
of a minority, disappointed at the result of an 
election, to defeat it by resorting to force and 
fraud, that this whole country was now free to 
every one, regardless of color, "to enjoy life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and that 
"government of the people, for the people, 
and by the people," had not "perished from the 
earth." In brief — that his work was done and 
well done. 

After Lincoln's death, there ensued a memorable 
trial of the men and the one woman charged with 
helping the murderer to accomplish his crime. 
In that trial, I had some part. When an account 
of that trial is written fairly, if it ever is, it will 



40 Episodes of the Civil War 

furnish an instructive addition to our judicial 
history. For the purpose of this address, it is 
out of place. ^' 

And now, the leap from an obscure attorney's 
office to second place in the Hall of Fame is no 
longer a mystery. The lawyer, whose progress I 
have faintly sketched, had extraordinary gifts for 
leading in a great social revolution. By his gifts 
in debate, he overcame the arguments of the most 
astute advocate of slavery. By his gifts in public 
speaking he surpassed in permanent value the 
speeches of the most polished orators of his day. 
By his gifts in the realm of politics and war, he 
guided the commanders in the field, and kept at 
bay a hostile party in his rear. By his gift for 
seeing intuitively what the people wanted, he 
kept them with him, and secured their affection 
by his humor, tenderness, patience, mercy, and 
trust in the justice of Almighty God. He used all 
these gifts so as to give his country "a new birth 
of freedom," and, just as freedom was born anew, 
died for its sake. 

And so this big-hearted son of Kentucky passed 
into history as the most commanding and pathetic 
figure of a great national epoch, admired for a 
life that was blameless, esteemed for services that 
are invaluable, and pitied for a fate that was 
unjust and cruel, and what Stanton said at the 
bedside of his beloved master, as he ceased to 
breathe, has come true, "And now he belongs to 
the ages." 



Abraham Lincoln 41 

NOTES TO CHAPTER I 

' Samuel Lincoln, of Norwich, England, settled in Hingham, 
Mass., and had a son, Mordecai, whose son, also named Mordecai, 
moved to Monmouth, N. J., later to Berks County, Pa., where he 
died in 1735. His son John settled in Virginia and had a son 
named Abraham, who settled in Kentucky in 1780. His son 
Thomas married Nancy Hanks; and for his second son had 
Abraham, bom in Kentucky, February 12, 1809. Thomas the 
father, moved to Indiana in 18 16, and in 1830 to Macon County, 
Illinois, later moved to Coles County, Illinois, where he died at 
the age of 73. Abraham, at the age of 19, took farm products to 
New Orleans, and helped his father making fences and splitting 
rails. He hired to a man named Ofifut, and for him ran a flat- 
boat on the Mississippi to New Orleans. He then learned to 
read, and studied surveying. 

From April 21, 1832, to June i6th, same year, was private and 
captain in a company of volunteers in Black Hawk War. Ran 
for the Legislature and defeated. Began to keep store, but failed. 
Then studied law, was postmaster at New Salem from 1833 for 
three years, and served as Deputy County Surveyor. From 1834 
to 1840, member of Legislature; 1837, opened law office at Spring- 
field, 111. ; 1842, married Mary Todd; 1846, elected to Congress and 
applied to be Commissioner of Land Office but failed to get it. 
Was offered the governorship of Oregon but declined it; 1855, 
became leader of Republican party of Illinois; 1858, chosen to 
debate with Douglas and was defeated for U. S. Senate; i860, 
nominated by Republican party at Chicago for Presidency over 
W. H. Seward; i860, November 6th, received 180 electoral votes 
to 92 for Breckenridge, 39 for Bell and Everett, and 12 for Doug- 
las; 1861, March 4th, inaugurated; 1864, June 8th, renominated 
and elected in November, by 212 votes to 21 for McClellan; 1864, 
March 4th, inaugurated for second term; 1865, April 14th, shot at 
Ford's Theater, and died next day; buried at Oak Ridge, near 
Springfield, 111. Had four sons. 

' General James S. Wadsworth, of Geneseo, N. Y., was a man 
of wealth, owner of a residence on Fifth Avenue, New York, and 
of a tract of land so long that it was said he could drive sixty 
miles to Rochester without getting off his own property. He was 
a graduate of Yale; married to a lady from Philadelphia and an 



42 Episodes of the Civil War 

abolitionist, but no admirer of McClellan. When the rebels cut 
railroad communication between Baltimore and the capital, he 
chartered and loaded a boat with flour and sent it by way of 
Annapolis, at his own expense. He was over sixty when the war 
broke out, and wore a sword used by an ancestor in the Revolu- 
tionary War. At Gettysburg, his division defended Kulp's Hill, 
and Wadsworth was commended for his conduct there, by General 
Meade in his report. In 1862, while Military Governor, ran for 
Governor of New York, but was defeated by Horatio Seymour. 
He lived opposite his headquarters at 19th and I Streets, and 
gave handsome receptions. General E. D. Keyes, in his book 
called Fifty Years' Observations of Men and Events, says of him: 
"He was a man of great strength and patriotism, and said to me, 
'If my father was alive now, and would not devote his mind, 
body, and estate in this cause, I could not respect him.'" His 
military record is as follows: Volunteer A. D. to General Mc- 
Dowell, July 8, 1861; Brigadier-General, August, 1861; Brevet 
Major-General, May 6, 1864, for gallantry at Gettysburg. Died 
May 8, 1864, of wounds received May 6, 1864, at the battle in the 
Wilderness. 

3 John Hay wrote Pike County Ballads and Castilian Days, 
afterwards associated with the New York Tribune; married the 
daughter of Amasa Stone of Cleveland, Ohio; appointed by 
President McKinley, Minister to England, and Secretary of State 
under McKinley and Roosevelt; died at his summer residence, 
"The Fells," New Hampshire, July i, 1905. He left a son 
Clarence and two daughters; one married to Payne Whitney, 
of New York, and the other to James W. Wadsworth, Jr., of 
Geneseo, N. Y. James W. Wadsworth, Jr., is a son of James W. 
Wadsworth, Member of Congress, who is the son of General 
James S. Wadsworth, who was Military Governor of Washington. 
Mr. Hay's military record is as follows: January 12, 1864, Major 
and A. D. C; March 31, 1865, Brevet Colonel; May 31, 1865, 
Colonel of Volunteers; April 8, 1867, mustered out. 

4 Robert Todd Lincoln's military record is as follows: Captain 
and A. A. General, February 6, 1865; resigned, June 10, 1865; 
Secretary of War, March 5, 1881. 

s Sir John Henry Puleston was born at Stanfair, Wales, in 1830. 
His education was obtained at King's College, London. Member 
of Parliament from 1872 to 1892; when he retired from Deven- 



Abraham Lincoln 43 

port, he contested Carnavon Borough. He was Constable of 
Carnavon Castle, Chairman of the City of London; Conservative 
Asso. and Treasurer of the Royal Asylum of St. Anne's Society. 
He was knighted in 1887. Died, London, October 19, 1908. 

While in America was editor of a Welsh newspaper at Scran ton, 
Pa.; State Agent for Pennsylvania by appointment of Governor 
Curtin; associated with Jay Cooke, McCoUogh & Co., bankers, 
London, where he made a large fortune. While at Washington, 
his home on 15th Street was a center of hospitality. 

* May 18, 1864, Lincoln ordered General Dix at New York to 
arrest the editors, proprietors, and publishers of the New York 
World and Journal of Commerce, for publishing a false proclama- 
tion purporting to be signed by the President and Secretary of 
State. 

7 General Wager Halleck, Cadet, Military Academy; appointed 
Second Lieutenant Engineer Corps, July 5, 1835, and served as 
Captain until August 5, 1854, when he resigned. August 19, 
1861, Major-General; July 23, 1862, to March 9, 1864, Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Army; after that Chief of Staff. Died 
January 9, 1872. 

* General George Gordon Meade, Military Academy, Septem- 
ber, 1831; Brig.-General, August 31, 1861; Major-General, 
November 29, 1862. Resolution of thanks by Congress for his 
conduct at Gettysburg, passed January 28, 1864. Died Novem- 
ber 6, 1872. 

'General Winfield Scott, Military Academy, May 8, 1808; 
Commander-in-Chief of Army, July 5, 1841, to November 5, 1861, 
when he retired. Received thanks of Congress for services in 
Mexico, March 9, 1848. Died May 29, 1866. 

'"General U. S. Grant, Commander-in-Chief from March 9, 
1864, to March 4, 1869; Secretary of War, August, 1867, to 
January, 1868; President, March 4, 1869, to March 4, 1877; 
General on retired list. Received thanks of Congress, December 
17, 1863. Died July 23, 1885. 

"General H. Thomas, Cadet, July i, 1836; Major-General, 
April 25, 1862, to March 3, 1865. Received thanks of Congress 
for defeating Hood in Tennessee. 

"General W. T. Sherman, Major-General, May 11, 1862; 
Commander-in-Chief, March 8, 1869, to November i, 1883. 
Retired, February 8, 1884. Received thanks of Congress, 



44 Episodes of the Civil War 

February 19, 1864, for services at Atlanta, Chattanooga and 
march to Savannah. Died February 14, 1891. 

'J General P. H. Sheridan, Major-General, November 8, 
1864; Lieutenant-General, March 4, 1869; General, June I, 1888; 
Commander-in-Chief, November, 1883, to August, 1888. Re- 
ceived thanks of Congress, February 9, 1865, for services in 
Valley of the Shenandoah and Cedar Run. 

'< C. A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, January 28, 1864, 
to August I, 1865. 

'5 Robert E. Lee, MiHtary Academy, July i, 1825; August 29, 
1847, Lieutenant-Colonel for services in Mexico; Colonel, Sep- 
tember 17, 1847, for gallantry at Churubusco, Mexico. Resigned 
April 25, 1861; General-in-Chief, C. S. A., 1861 to 1865. Died 
October 12, 1870. 

'<• General Irvin McDowell, Military Academy, July i, 1834; 
Major-General, March 13, 1865. Died May 4, 1885. 

'7 General Geo. B. McClellan, Military Academy, July i, 1842; 
Major-General, May 14, 1861; Commander-in-Chief, from 
November i, 1861, to March 11, 1862. Received thanks of 
Congress, July 16, 1861, for victories in West Virginia. Resigned, 
November 8, 1864. Died October 29, 1885. 

'* General John Pope, Military Academy, July i, 1838; Major- 
General, March 13, 1865, for gallantry at Island No. 10, Miss. 

''General Joseph Hooker, Military Academy, July i, 1833; 
Major-General, May 5, 1862; January 28, 1864, received thanks 
of Congress for services during attack on Washington. Retired, 
October 15, 1868. Died October 31, 1879. 

'" Thaddeus Stevens, born Danville, Vermont, in 1792, 
graduated, Dartmouth, 18 14. Settled at Lancaster, Pa., 1842; 
father of Pennsylvania School System. Chairman of Ways and 
Means Committee, House of Representatives, during the war. 
Died, Washington, in 1868. 

*' The criticism on "Conspiracy Trial" in Constitution of U. S. 
by John Lee Tucker, of Washington and Lee University, vol. ii., 
page 650, published, Chicago, 1899, and comments on refusal of 
Military to obey Writ of Habeas Corpus, issued by Judge Wiley, 
of Supreme Court, Washington, D. C. 

»' In his first inaugural, Lincoln quotes from one of his speeches 
— "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the 
institution of slavery in the States, where it exists. I believe I 



Abraham Lincoln 45 

have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." 
— March i, 1861. 

*^ Simon Cameron, born, Lancaster, Pa., 1799; 1845, U. S. 
Senator; 1857, U. S. Senator; 1861, Secretary of War to Lincoln; 
1862, resigned on account of disagreement on question of freeing 
and arming slaves; 1862, Minister to Russia; 1867 to 1873, U. S. 
Senator. 

^4 James Buchanan, born 1791; 18 12, admitted to Lancaster 
Bar; 1820, Member of Congress; 1831, Minister to Russia; 1833, 
U. S. Senator; 1845, Secretary of State to Polk; 1856, Minister to 
England; and President until 1861. Died June i, 1868. 

'5 Dred Scott vs. Sandford. 19 Howard U. S. Reports, 393. 
Decided, March 6, 1857. Chief Justice Taney: Negro cannot 
become a citizen. The Declaration of Independence does not 
include slaves as part of the people; Constitution expressly 
affirms right of property in slaves. Missouri Compromise un- 
constitutional and void. 



CHAPTER II 
WASHINGTON CITY— 1862 

While the Army of the Potomac under General 
McClellan was in winter quarters about Washing- 
ton, waiting for spring weather before advancing 
upon Richmond, a portion of the 4th Pennsyl- 
vania Cavalry regiment, in which I then held the 
rank of major, was on duty, as mounted provost 
guard, in the city proper, with headquarters on 
Capitol Hill. The rest of the regiment camped in 
Hawes's Woods, a beautiful grove of oak on 7th 
Street, to the north of the city, envying the lucky 
soldiers who had been placed on some kind of 
active duty. By reason of the assignment, the 
field officers of my regiment, and among them 
myself, were often on duty as officers of the day, 
making the grand rounds of the posts of the north 
side of the river, between twelve o'clock at mid- 
night and four o'clock in the morning. 

On the afternoon of a bright day in March, 
1862, after I had been on this sort of duty the 
night before, I received a short, peremptory order, 
without the usual transmission through my 
colonel, but directly, commanding me to report 
at once to General James S. Wadsworth, Military 

46 



Washington City — 1862 47 

Governor of the District of Washington, at his 
headquarters, comer of 19th and I streets. 

I was somewhat alarmed at the message, not 
knowing what it boded, and, quickly riding in, 
reported myself at the designated place — with 
which I was well acquainted as the old head- 
quarters of General Andrew Porter, who was 
General McClellan's provost marshal, and from 
whom the day before I had received my instruc- 
tions as officer-of-the-day. 

I was directed upstairs and, on making myself 
known, was received with great cordiality by the 
general. He said that I had been recommended 
to him as an officer who was familiar with the 
location of the camps, and who was acquainted 
with the commanding officers on the north of the 
river, that he wished me to come in next day, show 
him the camps, and introduce him to the troops 
he was to command after McClellan had embarked. 

I, of course, felt very much relieved, and was 
much impressed by the genial courtesy of the man. 

Next day, I came again at the appointed hour 
but it took the general a long while to get started. 
At last. Lieutenant Kress, his aide-de-camp, 
joined us and we were off. We rode out 14th 
Street and returned by way of 7th Street, stopping 
at all the camps that were on our way and on the 
list of troops in Kress's hand, and introducing the 
general to the regimental commanders. I re- 
member that every one who was told he was to 
remain and help guard the city disputed the 



48 Episodes of the Civii War 

order, and declared they belonged to some brigade 
that had marching orders. The army was in fact 
heartily sick of drilling and living in log-cabins 
within sight of the Capitol, and longed for a for- 
ward movement. At all events, the number of 
troops left behind, when McClellan had gone, was 
far less than the number General Wadsworth had 
counted on. The consolidated report showed only 
about 17,000, composed chiefly of fragmentary 
organizations. As new regiments came in, his 
command increased, and at one time the command 
counted upwards of 36,000 men. 

While riding back to the city together, the 
General asked me how I should like to go on duty 
as provost marshal of the city. I told him I was 
afraid I was hardly fit to take the place, for I was, 
in fact, but twenty-five years old at the time. He 
replied that there should be no trouble on that 
score, and advised me to report next morning at 
ten. I did so, and the order appointing me 
provost marshal was made part of the general 
order by which he assumed command, as follows: 

Headquarters, Military District of Washington, 

Washington, March 20, 1862. 

I. The geographical limits of this Military District 
are at present defined as follows: The District of 
Columbia, the City of Alexandria, the Defensive 
Works South of the Potomac from the Occoquan to 
Difficult Creek, and the Port of Fort Washington. 

II. Commanders of Brigades not yet brigaded 



Washington City — 1862 49 

and of independent Battalions or companies serving 
in this District will send to these Head Quarters every 
Friday a consolidated morning report of their respec- 
tive commands for that day. 

III. All orders issued from the Head Quarters of 
the Army of the Potomac for the maintenance of good 
order and military discipline among the troops, and 
the existing regulations in regard to passes, furloughs, 
etc., continue in force until otherwise directed. 

IV. Commanders of troops arriving in or leaving 
this district will furnish to these Head Quarters a full 
return of their commands. 

V. Major William E. Doster of the Fourth 
Pennsylvania Cavalry is appointed Provost Marshal 
of the City of Washington and will be obeyed and 
respected accordingly. 

By command of Brig. -Gen. Wadsworth, 
Theodore Talbot, Asst. Adjt. -General. 
John A. Kress, Aide-de-camp. 

THE MILITARY GOVERNORS 

General Wadsworth made a very favorable 
impression upon me, contrasting as he did with 
officers appointed as a result of the intrigues for 
promotion among the volunteers. He was 
apparently between fifty and sixty years of age, 
about six feet in height, of a spare but well-knit 
frame, with blue eyes, white hair, and side- 
whiskers, a thin aquiline nose, and an amiable, 
frank, and firm expression of countenance. In- 
sensibly you felt that you were in the presence 
of a man of honor, who was above all touch of 
4 



50 Episodes of the Civil War 

affectation, who wished to help his country when 
in trouble without consulting his own interest or 
making the occasion one for bragging utterances. 
His dress was very plain. On the occasion of 
my first ride with him, he girt on a carved sabre of 
ancient pattern, which, I learned afterwards, be- 
longed to his ancestor, Major-General Wadsworth. 
He also wore a common, light blue army over- 
coat. As I became better acquainted with him, 
I had occasion every day to admire his unusually 
fine qualities, — his incorruptibility, good humor, 
courage, and good sense. 

I remember that a near relative of his who held 
a position as commissary in one of the Carolina 
departments came to Washington to procure a 
transfer to some other field, giving, as his reason, 
that it was impossible for an honest man to abide 
where so much swindling was going on. "Then," 
said Wadsworth, "you are just the man to put a 
stop to it," and he gave him peremptory orders 
to return. 

I was told by his friend, Colonel James L. Gra- 
ham, that when the Governor of New York, at the 
outbreak of the war, offered Wadsworth a major- 
general's commission, Wadsworth declined it, alleg- 
ing his incompetency. He then served with great 
gallantry on McDowell's staff at Bull Run, ranking 
as major. He won his star before wearing it. 

When running for Governor of New York in 
the ensuing fall, he was urged by repeated delega- 
tions from home to appear in New York City. 



Washington City — 1862 51 

He was requested only to show himself, even if he 
made no speeches. It was said his mere presence 
would result in his election. But he positively 
refused to go, saying he could not play the politi- 
cian when in the uniform and pay of the United 
States. After his defeat some of his friends called 
to condole with him. "Oh," said he, "that is 
no defeat in which two-thirds of the army is not 
engaged," a reference to the fact that the soldiers 
of New York were not allowed to vote. 

Towards the close of the year, in addition to his 
defeat, he had to suffer the mortification of being 
left virtually without any command. This cir- 
cumstance resulted from the action of the War 
Department in placing General Heintzelman in 
command of the Department of Washington, the 
creation of which at once absorbed the District 
of Washington. Wads worth's staff officers were 
extremely loud and bitter in their denunciation. 
But the chief called them together and forbade 
them to say one word either in praise or in blame. 

After the battle of Gettysburg I happened to 
meet Wadsvv^orth on his way North to enjoy a 
short leave of absence. After answering his many 
questions about the part played by the cavalry 
on our right wing, where I had been engaged, I 
alluded to Meade's Report, then published, and 
the very handsome mention therein of General 
Wadsworth's conduct in that engagement. Wads- 
worth said he had never read it, — so careless was 
he of fame. At the same time he stated that the 



52 Episodes of the Civil War 

tide had now turned in our favor. It was his 
opinion that the army needed privates more than 
officers. Under the circumstances he blamed no 
officer for resigning, but rather praised him for 
leaving his position in the field and assuming the 
duties of citizenship at home. 

During the disasters in front of Richmond in 
the summer of 1862, although he had no immediate 
cause for disgust, so far as Washington was con- 
cerned, he was, nevertheless, greatly disturbed. 
He kept pacing the floor of his office alone till late 
in the night seeming to feel our defeats in a personal 
way. 

No doubt the Secretary of War was inclined to 
make all around him nervous. When Stonewall 
Jackson was marching up the valley, Wadsworth 
told me that Stanton, from whose office he had 
just come, was as frightened as an old woman and 
had sent for the 7th New York/ In the main, 
however, Wadsworth had not from the outset 
the remotest faith in McClellan's generalship, and 
it was this that made him Governor of the Capitol. 
As far as I could gather from his staff and himself, 
the circumstances were as follows: during the 
winter of 1861-62, Wadsworth's brigade was on 
picket duty in the advance before Munson's Hill. 
His observation of the enemy brought him to the 
conclusion that the rebel defense was a feint, and 
that only an advance was needed to demonstrate 
the fact that the grand army was held in check by 
a handful of troops and a few wooden cannon. He 



Washington City — 1862 53 

so reported officially and in conversation. This 
bold taking of sides with the public on a vital point 
in strategy brought him into bad favor at Mc- 
Clellan's headquarters. Mr. Lincoln and Mr. 
Stanton, however, sent for Wadsworth and had 
a conversation with him on the subject. When 
McClellan finally advanced, he was glad to be rid 
of Wadsworth, and Wadsworth was equally grati- 
fied to be rid of McClellan. Mr. Lincoln believed 
Wadsworth could deal successfully with the 
administration of military law and in defensive 
operations. He accordingly appointed him mili- 
tary governor. 

Wadsworth's capacity for defensive operations 
was not tested, for the Capitol was not attacked be- 
tween March, 1862, and November, 1862, in which 
month he resumed command in the field. The 
interval was full of alarms of assaults on the Capi- 
tol, but none were made. During this period were 
fought the battles of the Peninsula, the famous 
change of base was made, Stonewall Jackson 
scattered Fremont's forces in the valley. Banks 
retreated to Harper's Ferry, Pope was driven back 
on his front at the second battle of Bull Run, the 
Army of the Potomac passed northward through 
the city and fought the battle of Antietam, and 
McClellan was finally relieved at Warrenton by 
Burnside. The command of Wadsworth changed 
in numbers according to the shifting circumstances 
of the war, running up to nearly forty thousand 
when Jackson made his raid and reduced to the 



54 Episodes of the Civil War 

brigade comprising the provost guard, and number- 
ing about three thousand, at the time of Bull Run. 
In command he was superseded three times: 
first by General Sturgis, then by Banks, and 
finally by General Heintzelman. I can but think 
that it was fortunate that his capacity as defender 
of the Capitol was never tested, because he was not 
a scientific soldier likely to shine in a siege, but, as 
he afterwards showed himself, essentially a fighting 
general, who thought strategy folly and who be- 
lieved in giving hard blows. While at Washington, 
watching with anxiety the fate of a general whose 
ill-fortune he foretold, and waiting confidently 
for the time when the army would be in other 
hands, he became the center of the growing op- 
position to McClellan, which gathered strength by 
the trial of General Porter and finally triumphed. 
No sooner v/as Burnside in command than Wads- 
worth hurried to rejoin his brigade at Belle Plain. 
How he subsequently behaved at Fredericksburg, 
Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, and the Wilderness; 
how this wealthy, yet modest gentleman lived like 
a common soldier; with what supreme contempt 
of death he lead his division; how much he gave 
out of his private purse; how he refused to draw 
his pay; how he finally fell, struck by a ball in the 
forehead, in the Wilderness; how his widow and his 
son Craig hunted for his body — all these matters 
are foreign to my story. I can but hope that the 
clear white record of this noble life will be handed 
down to later times in fitting terms. 



Washington City — 1862 55 

(Since the above was written, the life of Gen- 
eral Wadsworth has been published by Henry 
Greenleaf Pearson, N. Y., 1913, under the title 
of General J as. S. Wadsworth of Geneseo.) His 
accession as military governor was hailed with 
pleasure by the people of the District. He had 
the reputation of being immensely wealthy, own- 
ing many miles of farms in the Genesee Valley, 
and of being related to the Murray s in England. 
As proofs of his generous disposition may be cited 
the following: He was reported to have sent, at 
his own expense, a cargo of grain to Ireland during 
the famine and to have sent out to Washington 
via Annapolis, when the rebels had possession of 
the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, a shipload of 
volunteers, armed, equipped, and transported 
through funds supplied by his private purse. 
This lavish generosity suited the people very well. 
They were confident of being treated with kind- 
ness at his hands. In this, it will be seen, they 
were not disappointed, for he was not the kind of 
man to assent to any wanton outrages on the 
customary liberties of American citizens, without 
at least doing the utmost that a subordinate army 
officer can to prevent their perpetration. His 
popularity, however, later split on the bedrock 
of slavery. 

In November, 1862, Wadsworth was succeeded 
as military governor by General John A. Martin- 
dale of Rochester, New York, who was less im- 
petuous than Wadsworth and, in that regard, 



56 Episodes of the Civil War 

better fitted for dealing with fugitive slaves and 
their masters. I served also under him until 
February, 1863. Martindale was succeeded by- 
General Wisevv^ell, who with his veteran reserve 
corps had charge at the end of the war. 

THE POPULATION 

On the basis of the census of i860, the District 
of Columbia had an aggregate population of 75,080. 
Of this number 3185 were slaves, 11,131 free 
colored, and 60,764 white. The city of George- 
town numbered 8733, the city of Washington 
61,122, and the remainder of the District 5225. 
By March, 1862, these figures had enormously in- 
creased, and kept increasing for the ensuing year. 
The estimate for the grand total of the population 
in the District of Columbia at that time, indepen- 
dent of the army proper, was 200,000 souls. 

In i860, the municipal government of the two 
cities was administered by a mayor and common 
council. Neither city had a regular paid police. 
The Capitol and grounds were guarded by what 
was called "The Capitol Police, " paid by Congress. 
The ordinary guardians of the peace were the 
constables of the District of Columbia, about a 
dozen in number, who were officers of the court. 
They wore badges with the inscription " National 
Police, " but had no uniform. The United States 
Marshal had charge of the city jail and employed 
a great number of deputies whose main business 



Washington City — 1862 57 

was the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. 
Their usual fee for catching a runaway slave was 
fifty dollars. The Marshal himself received his 
warrants from three commissioners, appointed 
under the law, who sat at the City Hall and 
received complaints of slave owners. 

In 1862, Barrett, the Mayor of Washington, 
had been sent to Fort Lafayette. The Govern- 
ment had been changed by an Act of Congress. 
Richard D. Wallach was mayor, a board of police 
and 150 policemen, uniformed, were on duty in 
Washington. Wm. B. Webb was superintendent 
of police and Colonel Ward-Lamon was marshal. 

In the interval between the tenures of office of 
the two mayors, General Mansfield and, later. 
General Andrew Porter of the 1st Mounted Rifles, 
with a guard composed in part of Colonel Sykes's 
regiment, the 3d Regular Infantry, and a part of 
the 5th U. S. Cavalry, carried on the city govern- 
ment. 

The U. S. Marshal, however, continued to issue 
warrants to his deputies; these did not relax their 
efforts to catch fugitive slaves, the commissioners 
still sat at he City Hall doing a larger business 
than ever, and the city jail, called the "Washing- 
ton Slave Pen," was crowded as never before — 
the army and generals notwithstanding. 

In i860, the native Maryland and Virginia 
families were in accord with the administration 
and the officeholders on the exciting popular ques- 
tion. They participated at the receptions of 



58 Episodes of the Civil War 

Miss Harriet Lane at the White House, at the 
Ariington, at Mason's, at Mrs. Gwinn's, at the 
Banker Corcoran's, at Douglass's new house near 
St. Aloysius. There was no obstacle in their road 
to office, if they desired government posts for 
themselves or their friends. At that time the 
city itself was, in the eyes of the nation, of com- 
parative insignificance, for the Government then 
was something no man was afraid of, and only 
office-seekers took the trouble to honor. Forty- 
five years had elapsed since the Capitol had been 
set on fire by the British, twenty-eight years since 
Jackson here had crushed Nullification; and the 
generation now on the scene knew of these things 
only by tradition. 

In 1862, Washington was hated and prized 
beyond any other city in America. In the city 
and in the homes of the slaveholders, it was 
believed, had been hatched and planned the con- 
spiracy which slowly dawned on the North, and 
here Southern sympathizers were still believed 
to be planning and cooperating with their friends 
at Richmond. Here Davis and Toombs had 
delivered their defiant harangues. Here Floyd, 
Toombs, and Thompson had provided for the 
Confederacy from the National Treasury. Here 
the President of the new party had come by 
stealth and been inaugurated among lurking 
dangers. Here an army had been organized by 
him, sent against the enemy, and defeated. A 
second had been assembled, disciplined, and 



Washington City — 1862 59 

equipped, and was about to renew the march 
toward Richmond, Whatever of hope-deferred, 
shame, and insult had been felt by Northern people 
during the past year was associated with treachery 
in Washington and defeat in front of it. From a 
political point of view, it was regarded as the hub 
that held together the remaining spokes in the 
wheel that made the Union ; from a strategic point 
of view, it was the objective point for the Confeder- 
ate forces operating in front of Richmond, situated 
as it was in a slave-holding district, between two 
hostile States, with only one railroad to the North 
and communications in that direction easily 
severed, while two railroads connected the Capitol 
with the enemy's country in front. It was now 
the headquarters of the Army of the North, and 
that army's grand depot of supplies. 

The Southern population had by this time 
generally declared itself or "defined its position." 
As a general rule the Southern army officers had 
offered their services to the sections in which they 
held property or had friends. Such as remained 
in the Northern Army were more or less under a 
cloud. Outside of the army, the native South- 
erners at Washington were almost invariably 
either openly or secretly in sympathy with the 
Confederate cause, and maintained that attitude 
to the end of the war, — the slaveholders because 
of their property, the society people on account 
of the ruder manners they professed to see in 
the Northerners, the politicians for the offices, 



6o Episodes of the Civil War 

the merchants for the trade which was passing 
into the hands of the Yankees. Furthermore, the 
President in their opinion was desecrating the 
memories of the White House, and they hoped for 
the day when Lady Davis's carriage would drive 
down the avenue and dispel the Springfield rabble. 
For the Southerners there were no vacancies in 
the Departments, no contracts, no invitations, no 
influence — only suspicion, obscurity, the danger 
of imprisonment, and the great risk of confiscation 
of their real estate and the liberation of their 
personal chattels, — their slaves. 

In i860, the military force about Washington 
consisted chiefly of General Scott, his stafE and 
orderlies, and the marine band. In 1862, in a 
circle whose confines were three miles from the 
Capitol were temporary canvas cities inhabited by 
a male population picked from the yeomanry of all 
the Northern States. Due north, on 7th Street, lay 
the corps of volunteer and regular cavalry organ- 
ized by General Stoneman. General Cooke had his 
headquarters and barracks at the Parke Hotel. 
At Kendall Green, farther north, was Keyes's Di- 
vision. At Brightwood were Generals Graham, 
Couch, and Birney. At Rock Creek Church was 
West's Artillery. On Meridian Hill were Zouaves, 
Scotch Highlanders, and the Irish 69th. On Kalo- 
rama Heights were hospitals. On 14th Street lay 
Pennsylvania infantry regiments and De Tro- 
briand's regiment. On the south side of the river 
were Heintzelman, Sumner, and Porter's Corps, 



Washington City — 1862 61 

The open country on the outskirts of the city 
was at this period occupied by fortified defenses. 
In a circle around the city was visible a chain of 
earthworks, extending from Fort Totten, near the 
Soldiers' Home on the north, to Fort Meigs, near 
the Anacostia River, and thence to Fort Ethan 
Allen, near the Navy Yard. Another line ex- 
tended from Georgetown, on the right, to Fairfax 
Seminary, on the south side of the river — covering 
Long Bridge, the Aqueduct, and Chain Bridge, 
as the former did the roads to Maryland and the 
north. Within this continuous enceinte lay the 
army in an entrenched camp. 

In the city itself was visible, everywhere, the 
presence of a volunteer army in preparation for a 
forward movement. At the depot of the Balti- 
more and Ohio Railroad as many as ten regiments 
arrived daily. Nearby, the Soldiers' Retreat was 
crammed with soldiers waiting to secure trans- 
portation to the field, to the hospital, or to their 
homes on furloughs. The streets were filled with 
wagon trains, mules, cattle, ordnance, and stores. 
At the Arsenal, clothing and commissary depots, 
mustering offices, and at the various headquarters 
were crowds of officers trying to get mustered or to 
clothe and equip their commands. The military 
storekeepers were busy day and night issuing 
stores and making out invoices, while the Trans- 
portation Bureau had not teams enough to supply 
the demand. 

As the sight of the Capitol and of its objects of 



62 Episodes of the Civil War 

interest was something new to most of the volun- 
teers, it cannot be wondered at that they embraced 
the opportunity to satisfy their curiosity and 
crowded the city, fascinated by the attractions it 
offered. In fact, shoulder straps predominated 
in all places — hotels, billiard-rooms, restaurants, 
theaters. Along the Avenue, in the lobbies of the 
Capitol, the Patent Office, Smithsonian Institute, 
the White House, the Departments, on the pave- 
ment, in the omnibus, were the eternal army blue 
and Mexican spur. So divers were the uniforms 
that a foreigner of almost any nation could see re- 
presented in the medley the distinguishing uniform 
of his people. There were Zouaves, Highlanders, 
Chasseurs, Enfans Perdus, Austrians in white, 
Italians in red shirts fresh from service with 
Garibaldi, and Englishmen who almost invariably 
had taken part in the charge of the Light Brigade 
at Balaklava (so they claimed). 

In the midst of the chaos were seen the long 
array of rough, brown-stained coffins, carried in 
furniture cars, containing dead private soldiers, 
escorted, generally to the number of twelve, by 
a corporal and ten men. Less frequently there 
passed some general's funeral, with band, a 
brilliant staff, and arms reversed. 

Over and above the hum raised by this myriad 
of men, horses, wagons, and cars were heard at 
intervals the booming of artillery practice, the 
firing of infantry platoons, the cavalry bugle, and 
the drum. 



Washington City — 1862 63 

Fashion, politics, and luxury had all made way 
before this impetuous and imperious swarm of 
Union men. The workmen ordinarily employed 
at the public buildings were now busy at hospitals, 
depots, and prisons. The carriage horses were 
under the McClellan saddle, the musicians learn- 
ing to keep step with brass bands ; the fashionable 
ladies keeping boarding-houses, and the fastidious 
belles visiting hospitals, irrespective of their 
sympathies, or pulling lint and knitting stockings. 
The fine gardens on the outskirts were camps and 
the ancient groves fast becoming firewood. All 
reputable homes in the suburbs were headquarters 
and many dwellings in the city proper were seized 
for army uses. The public squares were generally 
barracks. Corcoran's Art Gallery became a 
clothing depot; the yard of the War Office, a 
show ground for patent tents and camp equipage ; 
Senator Gwin's house was the headquarters of 
the military governor, — the sitting-room a detec- 
tive bureau, and the parlour a provost marshal's 
office, crowded with clerks, citizens, contrabands. 
Confederates in butternut, and Federals of all 
grades in arrest. The Thompson house became a 
transportation office; the grounds of the White 
House, a quartermaster's depot. The stone cutters' 
sheds under the portico of the Treasury were filled 
with cavalry horses ; on Capitol Hill was an infantry 
brigade. The Old Capitol was converted into a 
Rebel prison, and the room where tradition said 
Calhoun died, became a search office. Duff- 



64 Episodes of the Civil War 

Greens Row was a smallpox hospital for contra- 
bands. General Scott's home was turned into 
a boarding-house, and the Arlington became 
Whipple's headquarters. McClellan's family- 
occupied the home at 15th and H streets, and the 
headquarters of Banks and of Heintzelman was 
later located at the junction of I5>< Street with 
the Avenue. I occupied Jesse Bright's home. 

With the army came a long and pestiferous train 
of attendants — commission brokers, who under- 
took to secure commissions for enlisted men and 
promotions for officers, appointments from the 
President, and confirmation from the Senate; 
dealers in patent camp furniture, breastplates, 
and armor-oil ; itinerant sutlers and agents ; travel- 
ing tailors, who measured in camp and sewed in 
the city ; liquor dealers of all grades, from mer- 
chants who brought cargoes from New York to 
vendors who smuggled whisky of the worst sort 
under their clothing and filled canteens out of 
milk-cans. Prostitutes from all the large cities 
of the North flocked hither in swarms and infested 
the most respectable streets as well as the filthiest 
alleys. They ranged from dashing courtesans 
who entertained in brownstone houses to drunken 
creatures who were summarily ejected from camp. 
The ancient gambling and drinking saloons 
flourished and new ones sprung up everywhere, 
for gold and greenbacks were plentiful and little 
prized by the volunteers. Prominent among the 
soldiers was the agent, who came into existence 



Washington City — 1862 65 

under the perplexities and embarrassments encoun- 
tered by nearly half a million of men who were 
soldiers in fact, but utterly ignorant of military 
routine. These agents were of all nationalities, 
and agreed only in the unlimited nature of the 
influence they professed to be able to exert in 
"getting things through," if paid. Discharges, 
passes, furloughs, citizens' dress for deserters, 
releases from prison, pardons, revocations of 
sentences, detachments on easy duty, transfers, 
protection against the orders of provost marshals, 
the passing of invoices, the approval of accounts, 
the securing of pay — the transaction, in short, of 
all routine matters from muster-in to muster-out 
— were in their power. 

The feverish state of the gold market and 
competition for the earliest information regarding 
pending movements were responsible for a class of 
news-hunters who in enterprising audacity sur- 
passed anything ever before seen in the Capitol. 
They obtruded themselves into every department 
where the slightest clue to information might be 
hoped for, seemed to be idle, rollicking fellows, but 
sat up at night telegraphing to New York as long 
as the offices were open. 

Not least conspicuous was the irrepressible con- 
tractor, chiefly at home in the corridors of the 
War Department and the hall of Willard's, but 
visible at all places, boring persons of supposed 
influence by a narration of the merits of his grand 
invention. Finally, there was a crowd of adven- 
5 



66 Episodes of the Civil War 

turers of all sorts, keepers of concert saloons with 
waiter-girls, receivers of stolen goods, circuses, 
organ-grinders, bear shows, thimble-riggers, em- 
balmers, undertakers, pickpockets, burglars, and 
common thieves. 

For the honor of the land, not only vultures but 
good Samaritans followed in the wake of the army. 
There was the Sanitary Commission located on 
14th Street above Willard's, with large powers from 
the President, and in possession of warehouses, 
teams, and floating hospitals of its own. Its 
influence was exerted at many points, doing good. 
It rendered service in bravely fighting violence 
and fraud. There was also the Christian Commis- 
sion, sending out tracts, bibles, and chaplains, 
who generally had the good sense to turn nurses. 
There was also Miss Elizabeth Dix, and under her 
many noble women, of Catholic and Protestant 
faith, trying and succeeding in assuaging, to some 
degree, such of the horrors of war as were beyond 
the surgeons' and the chaplains' skill. 

MILITARY AND SECRET POLICE 

The duties I had before me were not defined. 
I was told by General Wadsworth to keep the 
cities in order while he devoted himself to the care 
of the defenses. These were all the instructions 
I received concerning the duties of my post, except 
what might be gathered from the general order 
issued by General McClellan, February 21, 1862, 



Washington City — 1862 67 

which related, however, mainly to "that branch 
of duty in the Army of the Potomac on its pro- 
jected forward movement. ..." 

V. The duties of the Provost Marshals, Generals, 
et ah, relate to the general police of the army and 
embrace the following subjects : 

Suppression of marauding and depredations and of 
all brawls and disturbances, preservation of good 
order and suppression of drunkenness beyond the 
limits of the camps. 

Prevention of straggling on the march. 

Suppression of gambling houses, drinking houses, 
of bar-rooms, and hotels. 

Regulations of hotels, taverns, markets, and places 
of public amusements. 

Searches, seizures, and arrests. 

Execution of sentences of General Courts-Martial 
involving imprisonment or capital punishment. 

Enforcement of orders prohibiting the sale of 
intoxicating liquors, whether by tradesmen or sutlers, 
and of orders respecting passes. 

Deserters from the enemy. 

Prisoners of war taken from the enemy. 

Countersigning safeguards. 

Passes to citizens within the lines and for the pur- 
poses of trade. 

Complaints of citizens as to the conduct of the 
soldiers. 

To understand what was meant by keeping the 
cities of Washington and Georgetown in order in 
1862, it is necessary to take a survey of the geo- 



68 Episodes of the Civil War 

graphical features of the District of Columbia. 
Washington at that time had six means of com- 
munication, through which its trade and travel 
came and went — three bridges, one ferry, one 
railroad, and one canal. The Aqueduct Bridge, 
running from the north shore of the Potomac at 
Georgetown, connected that city with Alexandria, 
Virginia, and the roads towards Leesburg and 
Richmond beyond. The Ohio and Chesapeake 
Canal joined Washington to Harper's Ferry and 
Northern Virginia. Long Bridge brought Washing- 
ton into touch with Fairfax Court House, Center- 
ville, Warrenton, and Richmond. The Alexandria 
Ferry connected the foot of Seventh Street, Wash- 
ington, by steamboat with Alexandria and the 
Orange and Alexandria Railroad, whenever that 
was in operation. The foot of H Street wharf was 
the steamboat terminus of the Manassas Railroad. 
The Anacostia Bridge over the Anacostia con- 
nected Washington at the Navy Yard, by a 
northerly route, with Annapolis and Maryland, by 
a southerly route, with Port Tobacco, Leonards- 
town, and Point Lookout. The Potomac River 
facilitated communication with the seaboard, the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad with the North. 

The obvious plan for any one who desired to 
control the freight and travel to and from the 
District was to maintain a cordon of sentinels 
around it, with posts at the depots. This had 
been established by General Porter. A chain of 
pickets had been disposed in a circle of about two 



Washington City — 1862 69 

miles' radius from headquarters, guarding the 
minor roads and the open country between them, 
while the main reserves were stationed at the 
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal in Georgetown, at 
the Aqueduct Bridge, at Long Bridge, and at the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. It was the responsi- 
bility of the pickets to cover also the river front 
from the Navy Yard to Analostan Island. The 
general instructions to the commandants were to 
intercept contraband of war as well as intelligence 
between the lines, to prevent smuggling, blockade- 
running, straggling, and the passage of citizens 
and soldiers without authority from our head- 
quarters. 

Particular instructions were given to each post. 
The detachment at Aqueduct Bridge had super- 
vision over all vessels plying the Chesapeake and 
Ohio Canal, and over all travel by the Bridge. 
Attempts were not infrequently made to forward 
salt and flour to the Confederates by this route, 
and all vessels were therefore required to show 
passes and countersigned invoices. The river 
shore, which was a favorite place of crossing by 
deserters, and for loading contraband goods, was 
patrolled from the Bridge to Rock Creek. The 
daily detail for this territory was one sergeant, 
two corporals, and eight privates. 

The next reserve to the east was stationed at the 
Long Bridge at the foot of 14th Street. The river 
was at this point too wide to enable deserters to 
swim across, but the locality being directly south 



70 Episodes of the Civil War 

of Willard's Hotel on the north and Alexandria 
road on the south was the central road for pas- 
sengers and commerce southward. The three 
officers and one company on duty here were 
mainly occupied with inspecting stores and passes 
and patrolling the shore as far as Rock Creek. 

The river from Long Bridge to 7th Street 
wharf was in charge of a daily detail of one 
lieutenant, one sergeant, two corporals, and 
twenty-four privates. They had charge of the 
Alexandria Ferry and of the ferry steamers which 
plied to Alexandria every half -hour, of the Man- 
assas Railroad depot at the foot of nth Street, and 
of the Mount Vernon boats. At this time the 
Thomas Colly er, belonging to the Ladies' Associa- 
tion, monopolized the travel to this place. At the 
same point, the detail superintended the shipping 
of quartermasters' and commissioners' stores to 
Aquia Creek, Yorktown, and later to Harrison's 
Landing. 

The post at the eastern branch or Anacostia 
Bridge, near the Navy Yard, guarded the entrance 
to Northern and Southern Maryland. The road 
on the south of the bridge forked. One fork, 
conducting to Baltimore, formed, by way of Long 
Old Fields and Annapolis, a convenient and much 
frequented route for our deserters; the other, 
leading to Port Tobacco, the southern point of 
Maryland, was a favorite headquarters for rebel 
recruiting officers, contrabandists, mail-carriers, 
spies , and refugees. One company of infantry 



Washington City — 1862 71 

here daily patrolled both shores of the Branch 
paying special attention to baggage and citizens. 
Between this point and Leonardstown a battalion 
of cavalry was on constant duty with detachments 
on all the creeks. 

This land guard, watching such a long stretch 
of shore, was soon found incapable of doing its 
work thoroughly. The river and bay continued 
beyond its reach, and were filled with daring 
smugglers. To cope with these law-breakers on 
their own element, each river post was equipped 
with boats manned with sailors recruited from 
the volunteers. They cooperated with the Poto- 
mac flotilla, commanded by Lieutenant Shaw of 
the Navy. This officer was detailed by Commo- 
dore Harwood of the Washington Navy Yard 
and reported to me. He cruised from the Occo- 
quan to Wicomico River. 

These dispositions were made of our southern or 
exposed front: On the land, or north side of the 
city, a picket line ran from the Eastern Branch 
through Bladensburg to the depot of the Baltimore 
and Ohio Railroad Company, with headquarters 
at the depot. The detail here consisted of one 
lieutenant, one sergeant, one corporal, and twenty- 
two privates. It had charge of the Baltimore 
Turnpike, of the soldiers and citizens entering and 
leaving Washington, and of all freights. The 
Soldiers' Rest adjoining was under its control, 
and the recently paid and furloughed volunteers 
were protected against the depredations of the 



72 Episodes of the Civil War 

thieves and impostors who were encamped in 
tents and shanties erected in this vicinity. De- 
serters in citizens' clothing, and arms and horses 
forwarded from the army homewards were here 
intercepted. The miHtary force stationed in this 
region was assisted by a large detail of regular 
police and by a detail from the secret police. 

From here the picket line extended northwest 
to the Tennally town road, due north of Washington, 
where this thoroughfare intersects the road to the 
Soldiers' Home. The detail patrolled westwardly 
until it encountered the Georgetown patrol. 

The last post on the land side was at Georgetown, 
which consisted of a separate organization, subject 
to my orders, of which more hereafter. 

Coming now to the interior of the city of Wash- 
ington, the central artery, Pennsylvania Avenue, 
from the Capitol to Georgetown, was occupied by 
detachments of infantry, at nearly equal distances 
from one another, exercising jurisdiction to the 
right and left across the city. The main posts 
were at Georgetown, the Circle; at 226. Street 
and Pennsylvania Avenue; 17th Street and Penn- 
sylvania Avenue; 17th and K Streets; Soldiers* 
Retreat; Depot, and Capitol Hill. 

At Georgetown were on daily duty one field 
officer, one lieutenant, one sergeant, three corpo- 
rals, and sixty-six privates. The commandant 
of the force was held responsible for the peace of 
the city, which was outspoken in its Confederate 
sentiment. A judge advocate under him tried 



Washington City — 1862 73 

and disposed of the prisoners and goods collected 
at a prison called "Forest Hall." He had charge, 
also, of the following hospitals : Seminary, College, 
Dunbarton, Trinity, Presbyterian, Kalorama, and 
Union. 

The remaining posts were occupied as follows 
for daily duty : 

Circle: one lieutenant, two corporals, twenty-seven 
privates. 

17th Street; three officers, sixteen non-com. officers, 
ninety privates. 

Soldiers' Retreat: one lieutenant, one sergeant, 
twenty-two privates. 

K Street (Cavalry) : one lieutenant, two corporals, 
fourteen privates. 

Capitol Hill: two captains, three companies of 
infantry. 

These were in charge of the Navy Office, Pay 
Department, Treasury, Patent Office, Corrals, 
Quarter-masters' Bureau, and all the public offices 
in the city. They were also responsible for 
prisoners of all sorts and for the maintenance of 
order. 



CHAPTER III 

THE OLD CAPITOL AND CARROL PRISONS, 
1862-1863 

The first knowledge I had of this afterwards 
famous prison — the Old Capitol — was when acting 
as officer of the day under General Porter, with 
instructions to visit and inspect the guard at the 
Washington and Georgetown prisons. My orderly, 
who knew the road, guided me to a gloomy-looking 
building one square to the east of the New Capitol 
buildings, and running parallel with them. I 
dismounted and under my orders demanded to go 
through the prison and visit the guards within. 
The demand was made in an ante-chamber. The 
captain in charge of the guard answered derisively, 
"I guess you can't," and showed me a copy of 
the prison rules, admitting none beyond the guard- 
room without a special pass for that purpose from 
the provost marshal or the Secretary of War. 
I did not care to argue the point as to the powers 
of my orders when weighed against the prison 
rules, and reported that I was refused admittance. 
The action on the part of the captain was ap- 
proved. After I was appointed provost marshal 
(partly from curiosity, partly in pursuance of 

74 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 75 

directions from the military governor) , I made my 
first visit to the interior and this time in company 
with Brigade-Surgeon Stewart, who had been on 
duty here a long time and knew everybody well. 
Dr. Stewart was a most excellent surgeon, and an 
exemplary gentleman in every way, but as he was 
very large, very portly, somewhat pompous in his 
manners, and presumed very greatly on his loyalty 
as opposed to that of rebels, I soon found that I 
could not well have been introduced to my new 
charges under a more unpopular guide. 

The result of my cursory investigations is as 
follows: The Old Capitol Prison was a long 
three-story building of dingy brick, situated on the 
corner of East Capitol and Carrol streets. In the 
rear of the main building, on East Capitol Street, 
was a brick extension about equal in length to the 
front on Carrol street. In the rear of this brick 
extension, still on East Capitol Street, was a new 
wooden extension. In the rear of this was an out- 
building used as a kitchen. In the rear of the lot, 
and running parallel to the front, were the sinks; 
on the south side of the lot was another new 
wooden building. On the unbuilt portion of the 
lot, fronting on Carrol street, was a high wooden 
fence. In the interior of the Square was a large 
open enclosure, or yard. On the east this Old 
Capitol lot was bounded by a lot and brick house, 
the residence of Superintendent Wood; on the 
south, by Carrol Prison (then Duff Green's Row 
or Contraband Hospital). Opposite the front of 



76 Episodes of the Civil War 

the building lay the East Capitol grounds, con- 
taining the sitting statue of Washington, and of 
course, just beyond, the East Capitol front. 
On the north side the ground declined into a 
valley through which passed the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad, and the upper windows on East 
Capitol Street commanded a fine view of the 
country seats to the north of the city — St. 
Aloysius Cathedral, Harewood, and the woods 
about Soldiers' Home. 

Viewed from the street the building offered no 
conspicuous peculiarity if one excepts the ancient 
and wide arched doorway in the center and the 
wooden latticing over the windows. Originally it 
had been the Capitol of the country, later it was 
converted into a congressional boarding-house, 
and as such was used when the war broke out. 

A glance sufficed to show that this was no place 
where modern science had helped to hold secure 
the prisoners by the strength of the walls within 
or without — that it was, on the contrary, one of 
the many makeshifts to which an unexpected war 
had driven the authorities, and that the real walls 
were necessarily the bayonets, the bullets, and 
above all the incorruptibility of the soldiers who 
guarded the premises. The first room on the 
ground floor as one entered was utilized as a 
guardroom, and was occupied by the relief off 
duty. The room adjoining was the barracks. 
The next interior room was the office, occupied by 
the superintendent, clerk, captain of the guard, 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons I'j 

and officer in command of the guard on daily duty. 
Here parties who were admitted held interviews 
with the prisoners in the presence of the guard. 
Here also prisoners were registered, searched, 
admitted, and discharged. The clerk sent to my 
office every morning a copy of his register on 
which had been entered the prisoner's name, 
rank, and residence, the offense charged, and the 
officer committing. The rest of the ground floor 
and half of the rooms on the upper floor (front) 
were occupied by prisoners of war (rebel). The 
rest of the lower floor was occupied by Union 
soldiers under sentence. The inner rooms were 
reserved for prisoners of State. The lower floor 
of the addition in the rear was used as a washhouse 
and a dining-room, and the upper story as a 
hospital. 

The officers of the prison were a superintendent 
(a citizen), and his assistant, a surgeon and hospi- 
tal steward, and a captain of the guard who was 
on permanent duty, with a battalion of infantry. 
The superintendent derived his authority directly 
from the Secretary of War. The following shows 
his powers and responsibilities : 

War Department, 
Washington, D. C, Feb. 13, 1862. 

Ordered, That William P. Wood be and is hereby 
Superintendent of the Military Prison called the Old 
Capitol Prison, and that he has possession, control, and 
management thereof, and of the prisoners that now 



7S Episodes of the Civil War 

are or hereafter may be imprisoned therein, under the 
orders, rules, and regulations that shall from time to 
time be prescribed by the Provost Marshal with the 
sanction of this Department or that shall be given by 
the Secretary of War. 

Edwin M. Stanton, 
Secretary of War. 

The rules framed and adopted by the Secretary 
were, in substance, that no person be admitted to 
the prison except on a pass issued by the Secretary 
of War, the military governor, or the provost 
marshal, and that, when admitted, he be permitted 
to abide there for only fifteen minutes and remain 
in the hearing and presence of a commissioned 
officer; that prisoners who could afford it were to 
be allowed such extras of food as they wished ; that 
none were to be allowed to communicate together ; 
that in case of fire the prisoners were to be at 
once assembled in the yard. 

The captain commanding the guard held au- 
thority from the military governor and provost 
marshal, and was charged with the safe keeping 
of the prisoners. 

It could be readily foreseen that two heads of 
one establishment — one military and the other 
civil, deriving their power from different sources — ■ 
must needs prove very great friends not to come 
into conflict by the overlapping nature of their 
powers, or if not that, be brought into conflict by 
receiving orders from different sources that were 
not or did not appear consistent. My own duties 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 79 

were to commit to this prison: (i) all prisoners of 
war ; (2) all prisoners of State arrested by officers 
under me ; (3) all prisoners sent me by the State or 
War Departments, and to inspect every room once 
a day. For releasing prisoners I never received 
any orders. Prisoners of war were, of course, 
held for exchange. But as for the release of the 
prisoners of state, no matter by whom committed, 
even if by myself, the inadequacy of provisions 
led to great troubles, as will be hereafter related. 
On the occasion of my initial visit with Dr. 
Stewart, the first room we visited was that of Mrs. 
Rose Greenhow, imprisoned on a charge of having 
been instrumental in giving Jefferson Davis the 
information which led to our defeat at Bull Run, 
and of being too useful to the enemy to be per- 
mitted at large. We found her a tall but well- 
formed person, about forty-five years of age, 
with black hair that was beginning to turn gray. 
She had black eyes, an olive complexion, firm 
teeth, and small hands and feet. Her carriage 
was graceful and dignified, her enunciation too 
distinct to be natural, and her manners bordering 
on the theatrical. She had with her her daughter 
Rose, a child about eight years of age. In her 
room was all the furniture belonging to a second- 
class boarding-house, in which bedroom and 
sitting-room are combined — sewing machine, 
books, writing desk, and writing materials. She 
was actively writing when we entered and, when 
the doctor inquired about her health, deigned no 



8o Episodes of the Civil War 

reply. As we were going, however, she inquired 
what this intrusion meant ? Thereupon the doctor 
told her when a Union man called on a Secessionist 
it was not an intrusion but a favor. This doctor 
rasped up her sensibilities. To me alone she was 
always communicative. 

Her history is in brief as follows : Her maiden 
name was McNeill. She was born in Montgomery 
County, Maryland, and, while a young girl, was 
with her sister (who married Madison Cutts and 
is the mother of Mrs. Douglas) placed under the 
care of her aunt, Mrs. Hill, who kept the old 
Congressional boarding-house in the Old Capitol 
building, — the same wherein she was afterwards 
imprisoned. Here she attracted the attention of 
Cave Johnson of Tennessee, who escorted her to 
balls and parties and introduced her to good 
society. She was at this time a bright, handsome, 
but illiterate country girl, and her fresh charm 
drew many admirers. Among others was Green- 
how, an able young man, translator at the State 
Department, who kept a fine establishment and 
devoted himself absorbingly to abstruse studies. 
Greenhow finally married her. 

Surrounded by such advantages, the vain girl 
did not fail to promote her ambitions and, in the 
circle where she was at first only tolerated, soon 
became a leader, famous for her beauty, the 
brilliance of her conversation, her aptitude for 
intrigue, the royal dignity of her manners, and the 
unscrupulous perseverance with which she accom- 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 8i 

plished whatever she set her heart upon. During 
her married hfe she hved in F Street, near the 
Ebbitt House, and there all her children were bom. 

In she went to California with her husband, 

who was killed by falling down a grating in San 
Francisco. Bringing suit against the city, she 
recovered damages. After her return to Washing- 
ton, during Buchanan's Administration, she kept 
house in H Street, near Fifteenth, and her resi- 
dence was the great headquarters of the Dem- 
ocracy. There was much gossip at this time 
arising from the intimacy between Mrs. Greenhow 
and the President. 

When the Rebellion broke out, she was living 
with her daughter Rose (then about six years of 
age), on i6>^ Street, in the rear of Lafayette Square 
and nearly opposite the White House. She had 
lost most of her beauty and vivacity — the society 
which she had charmed had passed away ; still her 
masterly skill in managing affairs and turning 
them to her own account, or to that of her friends, 
her experience in parlor diplomacy, and her knowl- 
edge of all the forces which reigned at the Capitol 
made her still very formidable for good or for evil. 
Her love of notoriety and dread of sinking back 
into her early obscurity would have brought her 
into prominence, I have no doubt, under a peaceful 
administration of the Republican party. But 
when the aristocracy which had tolerated her, on 
account of her usefulness, was arraying its forces 
at Richmond against the plebeians who treated 



82 Episodes of the Civil War 

her with scorn at Washington, she hesitated not an 
instant to throw her whole weight into the South- 
ern scale. As far as one could see, her object was 
to be made a Southern martyr, to gain that 
applause for heroism which was now denied her 
beauty, and permanently to secure that place 
among the "first families" which her obscure 
birth had always rendered doubtful. Her room 
became a favorite rendezvous of Secessionists 
during the last days of Buchanan's Administration 
and the first of Lincoln's. She boasted of her 
success in beating the Union Army at Bull Run — 
and I have no doubt the moment of her arrest 
was the happiest of her life; for though seized at 
her own home and sent to the Old Capitol, she had 
the gratification of reading in the Northern papers 
her denunciation, and in the Richmond journals 
her eulog3^ During her stay at the Old Capitol, 
she exerted herself to be as troublesome as possible 
and met her keepers successively with flattery, 
coquetry, denunciations, and finally with billings- 
gate, writing letters continually to every one she 
knew about the military authorities. About mid- 
summer, General Wadsworth grew very tired of 
her, and sent her before an informal commission 
of citizens, which sat behind closed doors. This 
was a sore disappointment to her for she looked 
forward to the notoriety of a public trial. She 
wanted to be estimated a dangerous stateswoman, 
but she was held only as an intermeddler with 
politics and finally sent to Richmond. Meanwhile, 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 83 

she amused herself by running into the entry and 
pointing an empty pistol at the head of the guard, 
and by sewing Secession flags on her machine and 
hanging them out of the window. 

From Richmond she went to England and wrote 
a book claiming that the victory of Bull Run was 
due to her treachery. On her return she perished 
miserably by drowning in Wilmington Harbor, 
being dragged down, according to the account at 
the time, by the English sovereigns realized from 
the sale of her work. I imported a copy, for 
which I paid $16.00 in gold. 

In my opinion, it was a mistake to arrest her, or, 
when arrested, to keep her one hour in Washington, 
as the real Secession families of the District 
laughed at her pretensions and would have nothing 
to do with her. 

Another female prisoner of State was Mrs. 
Morris of Alexandria, daughter of a baker in the 
city. She was charged with giving intelligence 
to the enemy. She was an exceedingly fascinating 
and pretty little woman of about thirty, and of a 
temper so good that even imprisonment did not 
sour it. She always had a word of badinage for the 
officers. The first time I visited her, she pointed 
to the opening lines of Byron's Prisoner of Chillon, 
written over her mantel : 

"Eternal Spirit of the chainless mind! 
Brightest in dungeons, Liberty ! Thou art. 
For there thy habitation is the heart — 
The heart which 'ove of Thee alone can bind," 



84 Episodes of the Civil War 

and wished to know whether we expected to sub- 
due her. She referred to the "inexorable Danton " 
(Stanton) or the "Brigand Sergeant" (Brigade- 
Surgeon Stewart?). By pretending to be in 
deshabille at the time of the morning inspection, 
she used to worry the doctor very much. 

A third woman, Mrs. Bagsley, was about fifty 
years of age, and was the most defiant and 
outrageous of all the female prisoners. 

A fourth had been arrested as a spy, being 
dressed in men's clothing, and still wore the 
masculine garb. All of these women, except the 
last mentioned, who cleared herself, were sent to 
Richmond. At first they were allowed free access 
to one another's rooms, but later they were con- 
fined separately. 

The arrested officers of the Union Army also 
had a high-ceilinged room on this floor, provided 
with bunks, wood-fire, and benches ; but one officer 
was confined during my incumbency of the office 
for open treason on the field. He belonged to the 
Regulars and was of Southern birth. The other 
officers had been committed because of offenses 
too grave to admit of mere official arrest. They 
were either serving out sentences of court-martial 
or awaiting summary dismissal. One of those 
incarcerated was an officer who, when drunk, had 
repeatedly denounced the President. Another had 
been convicted of stealing, another was guilty of 
infamous practices, and so on. 

One Sunday afternoon, while going the rounds, 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 85 

I found here, a young, slimly-built, blue-eyed 
officer, whose shoulder straps indicated that he 
was a lieutenant-colonel. He informed me he 
belonged to a New York cavalry regiment, had 
been summarily dismissed for using disrespectful 
language respecting the President, and had been 
arrested in a street-car by one of Baker's detective 
force. He showed me a copy of the New York 
Herald and asked to be released on the ground 
that, in accordance with the statement in the 
paper, he was no longer in the army. I asked him 
to write me a letter presenting his case in its 
entirety. He did so. Finding that he had an 
excellent record, had come to Washington, and 
while under the influence of liquor had talked 
too loudly of the President, I recommended his 
restoration to the service. He was accordingly 
restored. By next summer he had won the rank 
of brigadier-general, and I was brigaded with him 
a short time. He later became one of our most 
distinguished cavalry generals. 

The excuse most officers of our army gave for 
the extraordinary excesses many committed on 
coming to Washington, was that being unused to 
liquor and drinking freely of the vile stuff sold in 
the Capitol, they became temporarily insane. It 
was to me a matter of surprise that so many of 
these unfortunates, who were often of good family, 
were degraded for this species of insubordination, 
and I could only explain it by taking into account 
the American habit of free speech, and the very 



86 Episodes of the Civil War 

violent language the best Union men employed 
during our reverses against the powers who 
conducted the war. 

Another room was set aside for Union soldiers, 
privates who were serving out sentences. These 
offenders were on the lower floor, generally 
fastened with ball and chain. They gave the most 
trouble and, in spite of the utmost vigilance, were 
constantly caught in the act of escape. 

The tier of rooms facing to the north was 
occupied by rebel officers and prisoners of State. 
The former were generally extremely quiet and 
submitted to their confinement with excellent 
grace, as well they might, for they were very well 
fed, had a coal grate in each room, lived in rooms 
accommodating eight or ten, had cards, news- 
papers, and were out of the reach of bullets. 
Sometimes they tried to escape. Two had already 
escaped on the north side of the prison, out of the 
second-story window. I ordered the guard to be 
doubled on that side. In the morning I read in 
the daily report that an officer of the Southern 
Army had been shot in the thigh trying to escape 
and was not expected to live. The surgeon went 
down and amputated his limb. He died in the 
course of the day. Before his death it transpired 
that he had been in collusion with the guard and 
had paid him about $70 for conniving at his 
escape. The fellow took the money and then, 
when the prisoner was half-way out of the window, 
ordered him back, and when the latter refused, 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 87 

shot him. This dastardly fellow was ordered 
before court-martial, but through some of the 
loopholes in red-tape he managed to escape 
punishment. 

Every day for an hour, when the weather 
permitted, the Confederate as well as all other 
prisoners, were allowed exercise in the yard. At 
such times there were great comparings of notes 
and, as during my time most of the news consisted 
of the rebel victories of Jackson and the defeats 
of McClellan before Richmond, the congratula- 
tions and boasts were not stinted. To all Union 
officers the Confederates were extremely reserved 
and haughty. They made no complaints and 
asked no favors. In fact, there were no favors to 
ask which they had not already been accorded. 

The Secretary of War had given a standing 
permission to three leading rebels of Washington 
to bring luxuries to these prisoners, and they 
fared sumptuously every day. Whenever they 
started out for exchange, they were equipped by 
this committee with brand-new rebel uniforms. I 
could never exactly reconcile this procedure with 
good loyalty, especially in view of the fact that our 
own men were treated so roughly at Richmond ; and 
drew up a report to that effect under Martindale 
when he was military governor. 

For example, one day 130 rebels were marched 
out, under escort of the 86th N. Y., to the steam- 
boat wharf, where they were put on board one of 
the government transports bound for Fortress 



SS Episodes of the Civil War 

Monroe. Most of them walked, but thirty who 
were sick, followed in wagons. Among those re- 
leased were Lieutenant-Colonel Reynolds, taken at 
Fort Donelson, Captain Monaghan, and Richard 
Washington, who marched in front of the proces- 
sion. All of these prisoners except the sick had 
grown fat on luxuries provided by the committee. 
The same body had supplied them with full Con- 
federate uniforms, gray pants, coats, caps, some 
hats with black feathers, and high-top boots. 
The released prisoners walked as if they were in 
better condition for service than they had ever 
been. As on the march so in the hospital there 
was no luxury or medical attendance, no appliance 
in the wards of sweet air, no comfortable beds or 
mosquito nets, or confections which they did not 
get when sick. What a contrast to Andersonville 
and Libby ! 

Among the prisoners of State were spies, 
blockade-runners. Northern editors, contractors, 
mail- carriers, smugglers, hostages, and the like. 
I shall refer to a few of each class. 

James Connor was sent to me by the provost 
marshal general of General Sigel's Corps, charged 
with being a rebel spy. The allegations were 
that the pickets had caught him hovering about 
our lines and within them in a suspicious manner. 
Furthermore, on being searched, a memorandum 
book had been found on his person filled with 
geographical notes, taken between Richmond and 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 89 

Aquia Creek, together with Confederate money 
and papers. 

He was of venerable appearance, heavily built, 
old, and with a beard of bushy white hair. He 
spoke with the accent and had the manner of an 
educated Englishman. 

The story he gave me was that he had been in 
business as an iron founder at Richmond, and that, 
being thrown out of employment, he had deter- 
mined to get North to relatives in Canada (whose 
address he could not give), that he avoided 
our pickets from fear of being picked up, that 
the memoranda found upon him he had kept 
pursuant to his custom of jotting down note- 
worthy incidents and references to places on the 
way. 

The judge advocate gave the case a patient 
hearing and after a thorough examination came 
to the conclusion that the old man's simplicity 
was assumed, the entries in his diary a ruse to 
cover unwritten observations stored up in his 
memory, and that he was just such an unsuspicious 
character as a capable general would select for a 
spy. Accordingly, as a spy he was held. 

It was just such a case as would be hopeless 
before any tribunal which assumes that the 
prisoner is guilty and expects him to prove himself 
innocent, and precisely such a person as a detec- 
tive would believe guilty because every one is 
in his estimation as acute and subtle as he is 
himself. 



90 Episodes of the Civil War 

The military governor had his doubts and 
referred the testimony to me. 

Against the accused were these facts: General 
Winder had passed him North (something unusual). 
Stewart had passed him out of his lines (another 
unusual circumstance) . He had gathered valuable 
information on the route; he had avoided our 
pickets as a scout; he had a map of the country 
before Washington done in lead pencil, most 
useful to the rebel cavalry; he was caught inside 
our lines and esteemed a spy by those who cap- 
tured him as well as by the provost marshal general 
of the army and the judge advocate. 

In his favor stood these circumstances: In 
his diary were entered reflections of a moral 
nature on the vandalism of both parties at the 
grave of Washington, such as an intelligent but 
indifferent foreigner might make. On the sup- 
position that he was a foreigner out of a job, 
making his way to Canada, somewhat eccentric 
in his habits and, therefore, turned loose by the 
Rebels, it appeared clear that the man's story was 
true. 

With the supposition that he was a spy, his 
conduct scarcely agreed. The bona- fide spy, 
when in danger of capture, hastens to give himself 
up and requests permission to take the oath of 
allegiance, pretends to hate the bogus government, 
and idolizes the old flag. Connor did not care 
one straw for the differences between Lincoln and 
Davis, nor for the oath or flag, but only wanted 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 91 

liberty to go to work on British soil. I released 
him. 

The judge advocate was not satisfied. To test 
the question, we got detectives to trail him. After 
loitering a few days at Washington viewing the 
public buildings, he traveled North on foot, 
made his way slowly through New York State, 
and crossed into Canada at Niagara Falls. His 
memorandum book was still kept up and he made 
notes of the same character in New York State 
as he did in Virginia. 

Occasionally, however, we had the real spy. 

Headquarters Provost Marshal's Office, 
Washington, Jan. 20, 1863. 

Major Richardson, 

Scott's 900 Cavalry. 

Major: 

It is represented at these Head Quarters that I. H. 
Boyle, a Captain of C.V. A., and a member of Stewart's 
Staff, is at present staying at the house of his father. 
Dr. Boyle, in U. Marlboro, Md., wearing his uniform 
and defying the vigilance of the Federal authorities. 
It being very desirable to increase the collection of 
Confederate officers in the Old Capitol after the pro- 
clamation of Jefferson Davis, you are directed to 
send a force sufficient to capture him and bring him 
to these Head Quarters. 

Very respectfully, 

W. E. DOSTER, 

Lieut.-Col. &• Prov. Marshal. 



92 Episodes of the Civil War 

Headquarters Mounted Prov. Guard, 

Jan. 21, 1863. 

Lieut.-Col. W. E. Doster, 
Prov. Marshal. 

Sir: 

I respectfully report that Lieutenant French left 
camp last night at 10 p.m. for Marlboro, Md., with 
16 men. At 4 miles beyond Anacostia Bridge they 
overtook 6 detectives of the War Dept. and followed 
them into town. He was unable to find the residence 
of Dr. Boyle, being answered by those of whom he 
made inquiries, that the Doctor had left town six 
months ago, in consequence of which he was obliged 
to remain in an old barn from half past two until four 
o'clock, when, having discovered the house, he sur- 
rounded it with his force, and, entering the house 
himself, found Captain Boyle in the custody of the 
detectives, who reported having arrested him in a 
house where he usually slept, about three quarters of a 
mile from his father's. Captain Boyle admitted that 
he was in the Rebel service and on Stewart's Staff. 

The Chief of Detectives requested to be escorted to 
this city with the prisoner by Lieutenant French's 
Detachment, fearing that some demonstration might 
be made by the people of the town, which request was 
complied with. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

G. W. Richardson, Maj. 

On his person were found communications to 
and from the Rebel authorities. 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 93 

A few days before this, Captain Charles 
Powell, also of Stewart's Cavalry, was captured 
within our lines by General Sigel. He was frank, 
acknowledged his identity, and showed his Con- 
federate commission. He stated he was acting 
on behalf of the Confederate Government. He 
wore, when captured, a dark overcoat, which, he 
said, was taken at Dunfries from one of our 
soldiers. It was originally light blue, like all the 
soldiers' overcoats, but was colored by the use of a 
butternut dye, at a factory at Gordonsville, where 
this change from Federal to Confederate went on. 
These men were both confined in the Old Capitol. 

Miss D. M. DiETZ of Alexandria was confined 
for carrying a Rebel mail between Richmond and 
Baltimore, and was captured in the following 
manner : 

The Secession element had a kind of crude 
organization in the District of Columbia, with 
three separate headquarters where secret conclaves 
were held, letters for the South collected and 
delivered, and plans for sending intelligence to and 
aiding prisoners were made. These were also the 
points where Southerners gathered to rejoice over 
our defeats or lament over their own. To deceive 
the authorities, their headquarters were changed 
from time to time. Their meetings could easily 
have been broken up, but it was deemed more 
prudent to introduce detectives and checkmate 
them. 

One of these rendezvous was on Capitol Hill, 



94 Episodes of the Civil War 

at the house of Mrs. PhilHps ; another on 7th near 
E Street, at the house of Mr. McAlUster; the third, 
in Georgetown, at the house of Miss Annie 
Mathews. At each of these visited, on terms of 
intimacy, a detective, in the guise of refugee, 
paroled prisoner of war, or Rebel spy. 

To assume the first character — refugee, the 
detective needed only to borrow a Southern 
butternut suit at the Old Capitol and hail from 
some remote region in the South. A better part 
was that of paroled prisoner, to act which the 
detective had first to study well the local geogra- 
phy, the names of firms, families, and streets in 
Richmond — all of which he could learn in the Old 
Capitol. The most efficient part, however, was 
that generally adopted — Rebel spy. To such an 
agent were confided the more secret despatches 
and the greatest danger of treason was averted 
through the intercepting of this kind of intelli- 
gence. To succeed in the role of Rebel spy, the 
detective had to have a good knowledge of locali- 
ties and families in Washington and Richmond and 
the intervening region. It was also incumbent on 
him to produce credentials from prominent men 
in Northern Virginia, and a budget of letters from 
the South. Of the last mentioned we had great 
numbers, having frequently made seizures of 
mails, and having acquired collections made at 
the headquarters by spurious mail-carriers and 
seizures effected before the missives came to the 
carrier's hands. The mail-carriers, however, got 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 95 

shy of the headquarters and gathered and distrib- 
uted letters at the houses of persons reputedly 
loyal. The arrival or departure of the mail was 
well marked by the great rush for papers to the 
Old Capitol which accompanied these events to 
get or give news to friends. As all letters written 
in the Old Capitol, or addressed to those incar- 
cerated, passed through my hands, the messages 
enclosed always told of the mail's arrival or de- 
parture. Frequently letters, received in this way 
by outsiders, were sent through me for delivery 
or by prisoners to be delivered to friends for 
transmission by the secret mail. But who carried 
them? To follow the clew by inquiring of the 
person who received them was futile. "They 
were put under the door during the night and 
found in the morning," or "an unknown person 
left them without saying one word. " 

The detectives tried in vain to deliver letters 
to the carriers direct. They were permitted to 
drop their letters into a bag. They watched the 
bag, but it disappeared mysteriously. It was 
necessary to adopt an entirely new policy. For 
three weeks all detectives were withdrawn from 
Secession circles; at the end of that time these 
wary agents had lost some of their t midity. 

A letter now came to the Old Capitol men- 
tioning incidentally news received from the South 
that day. Through the persons who wrote it, it 
was ascertained that a mail-carrier had been at 
Washington that day and would return next day 



96 Episodes of the Civil War 

to receive her mail matter at a house in the neigh- 
bourhood of 13th Street and New York Avenue. 
The detectives patrolled the neighborhood but 
reported the presence of no suspicious-looking 
woman in the vicinity. 

The same day (Saturday) I passed through the 
Guard House and found in an upper cell a young 
woman begging piteously to be releavSed. She 
stated that, on passing the Old Capitol, she had 
waved her handkerchief to an acquaintance, 
whereupon the guard had arrested her. The 
captain of the guard in making the arrest had only 
complied with the standing orders. Her act was, of 
course, only a minor offence in itself. I examined 
the record and found it agreed with her story, 
whereupon I released her. Her name was D. M. 
Dietz of Alexandria. On arriving at my office, 
one of the detectives reported that he had suc- 
ceeded in securing the name and description of the 
mail-carrier that was to be at 13th Street and New 
York Avenue, but who had not made her appear- 
ance. It was D. M. Dietz, the very person I had 
just released! The subject of so much planning 
had been captured and released by mistake. 
Instant orders for her re-arrest were sent to the 
guard house, but she had already boarded a train 
from which she alighted when a few miles outside 
the city. A despatch to Baltimore ordering her 
arrest was unavailing. 

However, she was known by name and by sight 
and was soon afterwards captured in Washington. 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 97 

Her association with the carrying of the last mail 
was then established beyond a doubt. 

The following will give the reader some idea of 
the contents of a Georgetown rebel mail : 

ABSTRACT 

MissM. "Beauregard" H. of Georgetown forwards 
letters to Mrs. D., Richmond, by the latter's brother. 
Is a bitter Secessionist and evidently knows the secrets 
of the mail route. Who is Mrs. D.'s brother? Miss 
A. M. of Georgetown writes to Mr. A. E. M. Rich- 
mond. Speaks of "Billy" being married to Miss M. 
Says she writes with the O. C. P. staring her in the face. 
Her servant Ann was recently married to Mr. I. D.'s 
man. " Pussy s" uncle left Georgetown, carried with 
him $1000. in gold. Lucy at School in Germantown, 
near Philada. 

Mrs. L., Georgetown (sister of Mr. T.), writes to her 
daughter Miss V. at H. T., Virginia. Says S. keeps his 
trunks packed to go to Dixie if he is drafted. Has a 
son I. in the South. Mrs. P., sister of Mrs. B. whose 
husband is in the State Department at Richmond, is 
staying with Mrs. L. 

Miss A. (sister of I. R.) writes to him at Mobile, 
Ala. H. E. Q. of E. 36th St., N. Y., also writes to him. 

P. F. B., Georgetown, writes to Mr. I. S. B. at C. C. 
H., mentions receiving a letter by Miss A. M. B. 
also writes to the Rev. Dr. N. at Richmond. 

The Rev. T. C. Conrad, a schoolmaster of 
Georgetown, was arrested for teaching his scholars 
the heresy of Secession, holding communication 
with the enemy, and sending his boys as recruits 



98 Episodes of the Civil War 

to Lee's army. He was held in the Old Capitol. 
The Rev. Dr. Nouse and General Rogers were 
arrested at Middleburg, Virginia, as prominent 
Secessionists, and held as hostages for the good 
behavior of the Government of the Confederacy 
towards Union men captured by the Rebels at 
Fredericksburg. The Right Rev. Bishop Wilmer, 
who had gone South with his family at the begin- 
ning of the war, ran the blockade with letters 
from Jefferson Davis and other prominent 
leaders of the Confederacy, deputing him, as the 
delegate of the Southern wing of the Episcopal 
Church, to go to England and institute fraternal 
relations with the Church. The Bishop was 
caught by Harwood's fleet and examined. He was 
a most virulent Secessionist in spite of his cloth, 
and chafed much at the indignity of arrest. His 
explanation of his mission was to the effect that 
he was sent to collect bibles for the Southern 
churches. 

General Martindale, who examined Bishop 
Wilmer, had no doubt that he was a Southern 
commissioner, instructed to get all the English 
aid possible by using his influence in the Church 
of England to carry out the plans of Davis. He 
was sent to the Old Capitol, but to spare him 
the humiliation of incarceration and out of 
respect for his cloth, he was assigned to the 
parlor of the superintendent's house. 

A lawyer, a wealthy farmer of Marlboro, 
and a merchant of Colesville were sent to the Old 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 99 

Capitol for aiding and abetting the desertion of 
Union soldiers. 

As the roads around Washington were closely 
guarded and a strong circle of pickets was thrown 
about Baltimore, it was an extremely hazardous 
undertaking for Federal soldiers to pass through 
either city without being challenged or required 
to show authority for their absence. Every train 
that left Washington for the North, besides being 
examined en route, was also inspected by guards 
who entered at Annapolis Junction. After the 
first few battles of the Peninsula, when most of 
our troops smelt powder for the first time, it was 
found that many deserters from the Army of the 
Potomac turned up in Baltimore and were there 
arrested. There was, it was obvious, either great 
negligence or corruption among the Washington 
police, or else an underground railroad passing 
around Washington. The former hypothesis was 
not long tolerated, the visits of the officers of the 
day showing great vigilance, and the frequent 
changes in troops forbidding such systematic 
connivance as the multitude of deserters implied. 

At length, under promises of freedom, a deserter 
confessed that he had been shipped North by a 
Rebel agency, which furnished rations and supplied 
transportation by steamboat between Alexandria 
and Baltimore over a circuitous route entirely 
free from pickets. The particulars were as follows : 
At Alexandria the deserter was taken by an agent 
to a private ferry and ferried over the Potomac 



100 Episodes of the Civil War 

to the Leonardstown Road. Here he met many 
other deserters and together they were carried by 
stages through Long Old Field and Upper Marl- 
boro to Fair Haven on the Chesapeake shore. 
Thence they were conveyed by a steamer to Balti- 
more. During the trip they were supplied gratis 
with citizens' clothing, food, passage, and money. 
With this information before me, I determined to 
make an end of the business. 

Two private soldiers of the 86th N. Y. were 
dressed in their ordinary uniforms and ordered to 
go to Alexandria and allow themselves to be 
shipped to Baltimore by the new route. They 
were to note the names and the appearances of the 
parties who assisted them to reach their destina- 
tion. At the same time, they were strictly charged 
not to take the initiative, and to distinguish 
sharply between friendship offered a soldier in 
the way of hospitality and the assistance thrust on 
the deserter. At Baltimore they would be picked 
up as deserters and, of course, returned to Forrest 
Hall Prison, whence, by an understanding with 
the officer in charge, they were to be liberated and 
at once make their report. 

A week elapsed before I heard anything of my 
counterfeit deserters. I began to fear they had 
been discovered or that some untoward incident 
had befallen them. At length they arrived and 
reported. They told the same story as that 
related by the real deserter, with the additional 
feature that an agent on the steamer distributed 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons loi 

citizens' clothing and gave directions how after 
reaching Baltimore to proceed North. 

Orders were given for the simultaneous arrest 
of all the agents along the route and the seizure 
of their line of stages and steamboats. Four 
detachments of cavalry consisting each of one 
commissioned officer and ten men were detailed 
to surprise Alexandria, Long Old Field, Marl- 
boro, and Fair Haven. They were to move by 
circuitous routes and each make its seizures at 
six in the morning. They succeeded in their 
undertaking and at three o'clock next day the 
entire Rebel agency for Federal deserters rode 
down the avenue in its own coaches to the Old 
Capitol. 

Desertion by this route ceased. 

Belle Boyd was a lively, spirited young lady, 
full of caprices and a genuine Rebel. In person 
she was tall, with light hair and blue eyes. Her 
features were too irregular to be pretty. It was 
her dashing manner (fashioned after Lady Gay 
Spanker), and air of joyous recklessness which 
made her interesting. At the time of her arrest 
she was living with her father, a farmer, beyond 
Winchester, and became known for the influence 
her coquetry acquired over the Union officers 
under Banks, and for the information she gave 
Jackson. I never saw the charges against her, as 
she was arrested by order of the Secretary of War, 
but the detective who arrested her told me that 



102 Episodes of the Civil War 

she had been employed as a Confederate scout, 
riding between the lines of the two armies and 
equally intimate at the headquarters of each. 
She was taken to the room formerly occupied by 
Mrs. Morris and, as she was at the time the only 
woman prisoner in Washington, was well pleased 
with the attention of which she found herself the 
object. 

The first time I called on her, she was reading 
Harper's and eating peaches. She remarked she 
could afford to remain here, if Stanton could 
afford to keep her. There was so much company 
and so little to do. Besides, it was an excellent 
chance to brush up her literature and get her 
wedding outfit ready. This defiant indifference 
soon subsided. Open air and horseback exercise 
were in her case constitutional necessities. She 
soon began to languish and begged to be permitted 
to walk out in the company of an officer. The 
Secretary, to whom the request was referred, re- 
fused to grant the permission. Then she became 
subdued, always, however, jesting with the surgeon 
and asking when he intended to give her the medi- 
cine he had prescribed — freedom? During the 
whole stay, she was never, to my knowledge, found 
in ill-humor, but bravely endured a tedious and 
companionless imprisonment. 

She used to say she was a Rebel to the backbone 
and, if she had the chance, intended to help the 
Confederate cause all she could. 

After about three weeks' imprisonment, she was 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 103 

sent, much against her will, to Richmond. She 
said she was engaged to marry an officer of the 
Rebel Army and wanted to buy her trousseau in 
Washington before leaving. Of course, the Secre- 
tary would not listen to the suggestion. After she 
arrived at Richmond, however, she sent a schedule 
of the articles she wanted to Mr. Wood, the super- 
intendent, who, I understood, forwarded them to 
her under flag of truce. 

One day there called upon me a young gentleman 
of twenty, one of the Maryland branches of the 
Lee family (who are divided into the Red Lees and 
the Black Lees, General Lee being a Black Lee). 
He reported himself as paroled by General Porter. 
He had early in the war run off from Richmond 
and had been caught in Maryland, where he was 
visiting a young lady of whom he was enamored. I 
could find no register of his parole, but suffered him 
to continue as if on parole. He took the oath of 
allegiance and appeared to become thoroughly 
Union in his sentiments. He afterwards applied 
for permission to join his relatives in Richmond. 
He offered his parole of honor not to join the 
Confederate forces. His request was granted and 
he was exchanged. 

Nevertheless, he soon turned up in the Con- 
federate Army. It is charitable to assume that 
he was obliged to serve. 

I was acquainted with the son of our Minister 
to Copenhagen and received a call from him. He 
was at the time a student of Georgetown College. 



104 Episodes of the Civil War 

When I returned the call about a month later, he 
informed me that he had run the blockade to 
Richmond and returned perfectly disgusted with 
the Confederacy. He seemed then perfectly 
loyal. I heard nothing further from him for 
some four months. Then he wrote me a letter 
from the Old Capitol. I visited him and found him 
a prisoner of war, utterly demoralized and out of 
funds. He wanted to take the oath. This time, 
however, he was sent back and exchanged. 

The most perfect farce ever played was the par- 
doning of prisoners at the Old Capitol, or the 
administering of the oath of allegiance. The 
prisoners used to take the oath under duress and 
considered themselves not bound to observe it 
because they were not free agents when the 
obligation was assumed. 

William P. Wood, the superintendent, was an 
ex-soldier, ex-filibuster, and ex-model-maker. He 
had served in Mexico, in the Mounted Rifles 3d 
Regulars, in Captain Andrew Porter's Company 
(afterwards general provost marshal). He then 
joined Walker's Nicaragua expedition and finally 
was model-maker at Washington, where as a 
witness in the Woodworth patent case he made 
the acquaintance of Edwin M. Stanton. Stanton 
afterwards appointed him superintendent. He was 
in many respects a remarkable man — short, ugly, 
and slovenly in his dress; in manner affecting 
stupidity and humility, but at bottom the craftiest 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 105 

of men. For some reason, which no one could 
fathom, he was deeper in the War Office than any 
man at Washington, and it was commonly said 
that Stanton was at the head of the War Office 
and Wood at the head of Stanton. I remember 
once that finding occasion to make some rule 
sanctioned by the Secretary, and demanding 
obedience to it. Wood refused contemptuously 
to carry it out, and on my applying to Assistant 
Secretary Watson for a special order to enforce it, 
Watson told me that when the order giving Wood 
unlimited power in the Old Capitol was issued, 
Provost Marshal Porter came to the War Depart- 
ment one day furious with rage, saying his own 
orders had been contemptuously rescinded by 
"that dog of a citizen Wood," whom he used to 
tie up by the thumbs in New Mexico, and on the 
ground that he was amenable to no one but the 
Secretary himself. Porter demanded Wood's in- 
stant dismissal from the post. Stanton heard him 
out and then gave him the alternative either of 
being insulted by Wood or resigning his commis- 
sion. Porter succumbed but hastened to go into 
the field to escape the hazy atmosphere of Wash- 
ington, where they made brigadier-generals submit 
to citizens. 

I knew very well, then, that it was dangerous to 
interfere with Wood. But I was so placed that in 
obedience to the orders of the military governor, 
I was obliged to visit daily all the prisoners. I 
could not see them innocently imprisoned without 



io6 Episodes of the Civil War 

making an effort to have them released; and I 
considered it preeminently my right to release 
persons committed by me, whenever I deemed it 
just they should be liberated. 

The captain of the guard, too, could never as a 
soldier stand under a civilian and these circum- 
stances caused continual friction. 

The great fault of this prison (and one for which 
the Secretary is and ought to be blamed) was that 
it operated like a rat-trap — there was only a hole 
in but no hole out ; in other words, plenty of pro- 
vision for arresting people, but none for trying 
them or disposing of their cases. 

Baker could arrest, the detectives could arrest, 
the military governor could arrest, the provost 
marshal could arrest, the Secretary and each of 
his two assistants could arrest, but none of them 
could discharge v/ithout running great risk of 
getting into trouble with some or all of the others. 

The consequence was that the prison was 
constantly crowded with people, many of whom, 
when their cases came to be investigated, had 
waited for a longtime to offer a simple explanation. 

General Wadsworth felt this matter very 
keenly, and could never allude to it without ex- 
pressing his indignation at the Secretary's policy. 
"If they are guilty, " he said, "this imprisonment 
is too light, — if they are innocent, a day's confine- 
ment is too long." But nobody was responsible. 
The charges against the people incarcerated by 
order of the Secretary were on file in the War Office, 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 107 

but neither I nor the Governor were allowed, as a 
rule, either to see the prisoners or to hear what was 
alleged against them. 

As for those arrested by order of our office, or 
committed, as was often the case, by scores, 
sent in fr:m a'l parts of the country, I visited 
daily each chamber occupied by such, let every 
occupant tell me his story, and, if it seemed 
truthful, asked him to commit it to writing and 
send it to me. Days were then appointed for the 
examination of special cases, and if I was convinced 
that the accused was innocent of the charges, I 
released him at the office. As long as I did this, 
all went smoothly. But the moment I sent an 
order down to the superintendent or to the cap- 
tain to release any prisoner of whose innocence I 
was convinced, the superintendent would bring 
charges against me at the War Department, which 
I was obHged to answer. This, then, was the 
situation — to commit was meritorious, to release 
was criminal, — and this continued so, in aggra- 
vated form until I went away. 

The military governor at length secured the 
consent of the War Office to the establishment of 
a commission, which sat about a month after our 
coming thither and disposed of the cases then on 
hand. But the great multitude of prisoners which 
arrived every week required the constant sitting 
of a board of officers. This was detailed and very 
successfully acted on the cases submitted to it. 
The difficulty was that the board only remedied 



io8 Episodes of the Civil War 

the one evil (which was the greater, it is true); 
they could only release, but neither acquit nor 
punish. Furthermore, the board passed judg- 
ment only on prisoners of war and on our own 
soldiers confined under grave charges and not on 
the cases of prisoners of State. Immediately after 
the battle of Bull Run I resolved to test the ques- 
tion whether, of all this crowd of citizen offenders, 
no one could be punished by a severer sentence 
than "to be held until further orders." 

A mail carrier of Washington named Vincent 
had gone out on the field of Bull Run and had 
been captured with other Union nurses. 

After they were all exchanged and again in 
Washington, three of these nurses came to the of- 
fice and testified that, while at Richmond, Vincent 
had in their presence cursed the Washington 
government, had given the Rebels a complete 
plan of our fortifications, and had been as useful 
to them as he possibly could be, even boasting 
that he had been willingly captured for that 
purpose. He had, furthermore, invited the Rebels 
to his house should they come to Washington. 

The order of the President directing civilians 
to be court-martialed in certain cases, as provided 
for by Act of Congress, had then been issued. I 
preferred the necessary charges against Vincent 
and sent them up. 

The Secretary sent them back, first, with the 
remark that treason was not a military offense 
and not triable by court-martial or commission. 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons 109 

They were corrected and returned disapproved as 
it was impossible to try a citizen without declaring 
martial law. 

Accordingly, I released Vincent on bail upon the 
doctor's representation that he had consumption 
and was slowly wasting away. 

For this release I was then charged by Wood 
with disloyalty, and called to account by the 
Secretary. This was the Secretary's method: if 
you tried to punish traitors, it was wrong; if you 
let them go, it was wrong too. 

I do not know that the consequences of the 
Secretary's system of jail without jail-delivery 
were very serious except in one case. It is true 
that when I did see those who suffered from it, as 
happened occasionally by mistake, they expressed 
an amount of settled revenge such as ' ' cutting his 
heart out," "following him to his dying day," 
and the like, which were sufficient to have terri- 
fied him had he heard. It is, however, not very 
flattering to the consistency of the hatred of the 
American people to know that those who expressed 
the greatest and most enduring vengeance ap- 
peared to forget their set purpose as soon as they 
were liberated, and seemed rather anxious that 
other people should forget it likewise. If the 
Secretary acted on that principle, he had nothing 
to fear from retribution. 

There was a captain of the Regulars, Elwood by 
name, who mustered me into the army, and was 
mustering and disbursing officer at Washington. 



no Episodes of the Civil War 

He was a rather weak-minded gentleman, but 
amiable and courteous. On suspicion of his 
having taken monies of the Government for his 
own use, Stanton arrested him and sent him to 
Carrol Prison. I knew that he had disappeared 
but could only conjecture what his fate was. One 
day I read in my morning report from the captain 
commanding that one of the prisoners had com- 
mitted suicide, and was ordered by the Secretary 
the evening after to hold an inquest. I sent for 
the coroner to do that and at the same time 
summoned a few officers to attend. We found poor 
Elwood, his throat cut by his pen-knife, on the 
floor of a little inner chamber, where he had been 
lying since the previous night. The inquest 
decided he came to death by suicide. 

The fact was that this gentleman had been 
snatched away without warning from his wife 
and children, who lived at Washington, kept 
three months, as far as I could learn, without 
communicating with a soul except the silent 
keeper who brought him his meals, and a detective 
of the War Department, who daily went up, 
made him confess to all sorts of things, badgered 
and confused him, and finally so mixed up his 
mind that in despair he took his own life. 

Several very pertinent questions suggested 
themselves to the minds of the officers who saw 
this body. Why was not this officer tried by 
court-martial ? 

Why, if he was guilty, was it necessary to 



Old Capitol and Carrol Prisons iii 

worm confessions out of him by detectives ? Who- 
ever authorized any Secretary of War to arrest 
Regular officers through spies, or place them under 
espionage? Whoever before dared to deprive 
an officer of his right to appeal to the President, 
his next superior officer? 

A lieutenant in my regiment, a brother-in-law 
of the officer, came afterwards to claim on behalf 
of his family, his relatives' effects, which I under- 
stand he failed to secure. 

This brings me to the War Department and 
its secret police. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE WAR DEPARTMENT AND ITS HEAD, 
1862-63 

Under a military officer at the head of the 
War Office, it is not likely that a subordinate like 
the provost of Washington would have often 
come into contact with the Secretary or his 
assistant. 

One versed in the science and routine of war 
would not in all probability have wasted much of 
his time in attention to local matters at the 
Capitol, especially not those entrusted to the 
secret police. Had one so versed found it neces- 
sary to interfere he would have transacted his 
business with the military governor or later with 
the commander of the department of Washington. 

The Secretary, however, and his assistant, 
Watson, were lawyers and Washingtonians — 
that is to say, they were no respecters of army 
routine and were too familiar with Washing- 
tonians to be able to let local matters quite alone, 
and so they busied themselves very much with the 
duties of the provost marshal, and skipped the 
military governor and department commander 

in their communications. 

112 



War Department and Its Head 113 

In this I could not see much poHcy, as there was 
no honor or glory to be gathered in such things by 
a Minister of War; on the other hand, a great deal 
of odium, that he could have shifted on other 
shoulders, was inevitable. 

I have no doubt that acting as he did, the Secre- 
tary was inspired partly by a sense of duty, 
partly by a desire to oversee in person the smallest 
as well as the greatest matters, partly by the desire 
to convince people that his reputation for in- 
corruptibility and his talent for stopping Govern- 
ment frauds, because of which he was appointed, 
were deserved. 

Be that as it may, although Wads worth and 
Martindale were my ostensible superiors, my real 
immediate superiors, from whom after a while I 
received my orders directly and to whom I either 
reported directly or through the military gov- 
ernor, were Edwin M. Stanton and Philip H. 
Watson. 

The following were the circumstances under 
which I received my first impressions of the 
Secretary: 

One of Blenker's German quartermasters had 
been arrested by Wadsworth's order for swindling 
the Government. On being searched, about 
$700 were found on his person, — too much, in 
the general's estimation, for an honest quarter- 
master to have about him. The accused was 
committed for a further hearing. The same day 
a young and interesting-looking young German 



114 Episodes of the Civil War 

woman came and begged with tears for the release 
of the "lieutenant," and when that was denied, 
she said he was her husband and that by his 
imprisonment her means of support had been 
entirely cut off. There were at this time many 
soldiers' wives in Washington; also many mis- 
tresses claiming to be wives, and Wads worth 
would not do anything for her. Shortly there- 
after I received an order to report myself at 
once to the Secretary of War. I did so, and found 
the German woman sitting on the sofa and Mr. 
Stanton standing by her side. When I entered, 
he wanted to know why this woman was not 
relieved. I told him the general had no evidence 
that she was what she claimed to be — a wife, but 
was inclined to think she was the mistress of the 
accused. "Well," said Stanton, "give her a 
weekly allowance out of the money seized until 
you can find out what she is." 

Here was certainly justice, quick and safe, 
and with a strong leaning to the side of mercy. ' 

After this I was summoned almost daily and 
heard him give audience and despatch business. 
At 10 A.M. and 3 p.m. he gave receptions, each 
lasting about an hour. Before his entrance the 
hall and reception room were filled with an eager 
crowd. When he entered, it was with a quick 
step. He stood behind a high writing-desk reach- 
ing to his shoulders, placed near the window. 
He occupied the space between the desk and the 
window. This attitude and a certain irritable look 



War Department and Its Head 115 

gave him somewhat the air of a schoolmaster, to 
whom his scholars came with complaints or to 
ask favors. He was a broad-shouldered man of 
about fifty, not more than five feet seven or 
eight inches in height, with a long brown beard, 
sprinkled with gray, and lively, though severe, 
little eyes that looked through spectacles. His 
complexion was dark and somewhat mottled as if 
with high living, his head about half bald. He 
would lean his left arm on the desk, settle his 
spectacles, and wait for people to come and state 
their business, — a peppery little man who looked 
as though he had not slept well, and as if it would 
not give him much pain to refuse your most urgent 
request. 

The orderly would stand by the door (a red- 
headed cavalryman of my regiment), knowing 
very well that most of the applicants were wasting 
their time, and that nine out of ten would go away 
muttering curses. There was no noise, people 
conversed quickly and under their breaths. The 
adjutant-generals, orderlies, and clerks on duty 
moved gently and deferentially. The general 
feeling was that Stanton was no respecter of 
persons, precedents, formulas, or tape, and that 
he was capable of dealing heavy blows with 
great coolness and celerity. 

"Influential" people tried their influence only 
once, acquaintances of the bar tried it and were 
rebuffed, corrupt people found themselves sus- 
pected before they drew near. Women in tears, 



ii6 Episodes of the Civil War 

venerable old men, approached slowly — but with- 
drew quickly as if they had touched hot iron. A 
few got what they wanted and earned it in the 
getting. 

Certainly the Secretary's facility in saying 
"no" was extraordinary. 

Without searching far or deep, I think it was 
observable that his habit of mind was self-willed 
and inclined to oppose suggestions and proposi- 
tions principally because they were not his own. 

But at bottom there was nothing terrible. 
Stanton was an able, overworked Pittsburg law- 
yer, suddenly called on to play the combined roles 
of Carnot and Fouche, apparently utterly ignorant 
of both roles, and equipped with no special talent or 
habits other than the professional ones — ability 
to work, dogmatic temper, a bullying propen- 
sity. He was possessed of an assurance that lays 
hold of the most novel cases, a contempt for 
scientific training as compared with talent and 
labor, a keen insight into hams and disguises, an 
insensibility to all emotions except that of danger 
of bodily harm. This lawyer was really practicing 
law — his case a little larger than the Woodworth 
Patent, and a nation his client, but the difference 
was only in the size of the case. As in his law 
office, red tape, papers, precedents, decisions 
were his business here. As there he knew he 
could abuse his client as much as he chose, 
provided he won his case, so here he knew, no 
matter what he did, all would be right, if he 



War Department and Its Head 117 

secured the verdict. One thing was mandatory, 
he must not throw up the case — that no good 
lawyer does. Now let all people stand aside and 
give him scope. He must make experiments; he 
must study his case ; he must not be interrupted — 
before him he had an army to set in motion and be- 
hind him a hostile party to keep in check. His logic 
was now logistics and his finesse the secret police. 

So he went on working up his case, obstinately 
having his own way, scolding this man, rewarding 
that one, reading and endorsing papers, in a 
perennial passion, doing gigantic labor, with 
apprenticed genius, until the temples throbbed, 
and after midnight, too busy, too earnest in search 
of the verdict to notice that he had hurt the 
feelings of the Court by his vehement disrespect 
for her venerable character — in other words, had 
become through arbitrary measures against citi- 
zens and against soldiers the most universally 
hated man in America. 

No lawyer respects authorities that are cited 
against him — why should he reverence civil liberty 
or the army regulations if they stand in his way? 
The verdict — victory — the suppression of the 
Rebellion were the goal. Nothing else counted. 

To show how inaccessible he was to State 
politics and the influence of former associations, 
I cite the case of a colonel of one of the Pennsyl- 
vania regiments, who had won eminence at the 
same bar, had been a fellow Democrat, and who, 
as soon as Stanton was appointed, was much culti- 



ii8 Episodes of the Civil War 

vated, on account of his supposed influence with 
his old colleague, by people who had any favors 
to ask of the Secretary — and they were not few. 
The colonel was at this time on agreeable duty in 
Washington and hoped himself to get the gover- 
norship on McClellan's departure. To his astonish- 
ment he was relieved and ordered to join his 
regiment on the advance. After the battle before 
Richmond he came to Washington on sick leave 
and took rooms at Willard's. No officers were 
allowed here during this time even on sick leave 
unless by permission of Dr. Clymer, who was very 
strict, and Clymer had given him his certificate. 
The War Department, however, ordered him to 
the front. The colonel managed to get to the War 
Department and tried to persuade Stanton in a 
personal interview that he was suffering from 
chronic diarrhoea and unfit for service. Stanton, 
as soon as he saw him, ordered him to leave the 
room instantly, and on pain of dismissal join 
his command. The officer obeyed, but persisted 
in saying and believing ever afterwards that 
Stanton had exercised a mortal enmity against 
him and that there was no use staying in the 
service, while Stanton was at the Department. 
On the pressure of Governor Curtin the President 
soon after appointed this colonel a brigadier, but 
his name was not sent in. All this the colonel 
ascribed to Stanton's animosity, and resigned. I 
cite this incident to show how useless it was to try 
personal influence on Stanton. 



War Department and Its Head 119 
Stanton's contempt for army officers 

One day, when I was at the office, General 
Ripley was directed to report himself immediately. 
Stanton was standing by the window examining 
a new kind of lock for a musket, with one who 
appeared to be a contractor. General Ripley, a 
white-headed veteran and head of the Ordnance 
Bureau, entered and approached. Stanton asked 
him how many of the kind of lock he had adopted. 
Ripley answered. "Now," said Stanton, frowning, 
"if you dare to adopt another musket of this kind, 
I'll dismiss you from the service." "But, Mr. 
Secretary," interrupted Ripley. "Not another 
word," snapped out Stanton. "You can return 
to your Bureau." General Ripley flushed and 
passed, shaking as if struck with the palsy, 
through the crowd who had witnessed the 
incident. 

This threat of dismissal was not uncommon. 
By orders issued at one time through the War 
Office, no one was allowed to visit any prisoner in 
the Old Capitol unless provided with a pass from 
the War Department. The public, of course, did 
not know of the change immediately and used 
to apply as formerly to me. My subordinates 
refused all applicants. Parties were, however, not 
to be put off. They would stay and insist on 
knowing where they could get a pass. Occasion- 
ally, to be rid of them, they were told that no one 
but the Secretary could issue a pass. Accordingly, 



120 Episodes of the Civil War 

they would at once hasten to the Secretary and 
worry him. In such cases I would invariably be 
summoned to Stanton's presence, and the Secre- 
tary would say to the applicant, "Who sent you 
here? " "Some one in the provost marshal's office." 
Then, turning to me, "If this happens again, I'll 
dismiss you from the service." To have replied 
that I was not able to prevent people from calling 
on him would only have added fuel to the fire. 
This happened so frequently and was, in fact, so 
absurd, that I finally grew moderately indifferent 
to his outbursts, although the rebuke in the 
presence of citizens was not very flattering. Occa- 
sionally Stanton would meet his match, A judge 
from the interior of Pennsylvania, whose son was a 
colonel and home on sick leave, applied with his 
son to the Secretary in person, for an extension. 
The Secretary turned to the colonel and in an 
extremel}^ insolent way bade him begone. The 
young man hastened to limp away, but the 
judge was not to be bearded in this way, and 
getting up from his chair, said : 

"Sir, my son will not go to his regiment to die. 
He will go with me to the President, your supe- 
rior officer, who will grant my reasonable request." 

The Secretary stood as one in a trance and said 
no more. 

Note. — See address on Lincoln. 



War Department and Its Head 121 

ANOTHER INSTANCE OF STANTON'S RESPECT FOR 
PLUCK 

A Pennsylvania butcher, wealthy and fat, came 
to Washington to bring his two sons and other 
boys blankets, to replace those they had lost in 
the battle of Fredericksburg. As he was an 
acquaintance of mine I went with him to Stanton 
and found the thing was impossible under the 
orders, which were imperative against transporta- 
tion of citizens. 

Nothing daunted, my friend pushed his way 
before the Secretary and finally in a rough way 
stated his case. The Secretary refused his request 
and passed on to the next. "Well," said the 
butcher, ' ' how many sons have you got at Freder- 
icksburg? I guess not many, or you wouldn't 
want to freeze mine." The pass was granted. 
. There was a queer story afloat at this time 
which, whether true or false, shows, at least, what 
people wanted to believe true. 

A lieutenant of a cavalry regiment, stationed 
at Alexandria, received a dispatch announcing 
the death of a near relative and requesting him to 
come home. As the routine of red-tape was too 
slow for his case, he hastened to the War Depart- 
ment, where he encountered Mr. Stanton and 
humbly stated his case. Upon this Mr. Stanton 
without ceremony pushed him by the shoulders 
out of the door. The lieutenant in despair hurried 
to Willard's, got pretty drunk, mounted his horse, 



122 Episodes of the Civil War 

and galloped wildly about on the road between 
Washington and Alexandria. 

The same afternoon the Secretary rode out in a 
carriage, unattended except by the driver. He 
drove along the river road, where the outraged 
lieutenant was likewise. The latter, catching 
sight of the man who was the cause of his trouble, 
galloped alongside, and saying, "Aha! now it's 
my turn," grabbed Stanton by the beard, shook 
him, and let him drop. The story went farther, — ■ 
it was stated that the Minister, afraid of publicity, 
let the affair pass over unnoticed. 

When the Secretary's faults of manner and his 
indecisive policy at the Capitol are stated, I think 
that all that is detrimental has been said. These 
faults were very great and hard to endure. That 
they were inseparable from the order of ability he 
possessed, and which was absolutely indispensable 
at the time, I do not doubt. There was wanted 
some one who had no friends to repay for past 
services, and who cared not to make any in the 
future, one whose hands were free from State 
cliques, who understood how people were cheating 
the Government, and had the nerve to baffle 
them, one who had the courage, or rather audac- 
ity, not to be blinded by any plans of strategy or 
policy proposed by no matter how high a military 
authority, one who was utterly insensible to the 
clamors of the press, as regarded either military 
measures or his own continuance in office, one 
who had that dominance of feelings of duty over 



War Department and Its Head 123 

sentiment necessary to execute a draft in a Repub- 
lic, and that unbounded, dogged self-confidence 
which, when everybody gropes blindly for advice, 
is the very sublimity of manliness — in short, one 
who was able and willing to save the country at 
his own expense. 

I do not pretend to insist that some one might 
not be found to combine all these qualities with 
suavity of manner, but I doubt it, and my im- 
pression is that the country at large understood his 
character, and that his resignation before the 
close of the war would have been esteemed, by the 
men who knew what he was doing, a calamity to 
the Union. 

There was another point of view — one perhaps 
not generally considered — from which the Secre- 
tary's coarseness and arrogance were most effec- 
tive virtues. 

Any one who had much to do with the wealthier 
and more powerful class of Secessionists both at 
Washington and at New Orleans, or at any other 
large city, soon found that the animus of Secession 
was at bottom an idea fostered through many 
years of fashionable living and political flattery; 
that the Southerners were, after all, socially con- 
sidered, a much better-bred and blooded people 
than the Northerners. In view of this assumption, 
it was idle to overcome a Southerner with argu- 
ments or with arms. He still maintained, however 
defeated, a reserve of aristocratic scorn. To meet 
that there was only one weapon — a brutal arro- 



124 Episodes of the Civil War 

gance, with which to degrade Secessionists as far 
below their real level as their imaginations had 
exalted them above it. The idea was not only 
their own but they had spread it, and many a 
Northerner, who traveled in Europe before the 
war, will remember that these people had spread 
the belief among the better educated classes, that 
they were the nobility of the country and the 
Northerners the serfs, or bourgeoisie. It was 
therefore, in this American uprising of the Fau- 
burg St. Antoine against the pretended Fauburg 
St. Germain, just as essential that their leaders 
should meet insolence with insolence, and preten- 
sions of superior refinement with unmitigated 
coarseness and disdain, and these were the qualities 
in Stanton (as well as in Butler) that enabled them 
to undermine the foundations of Secession, while 
the army, by treating its opponents as equals, had 
rather a tendency to encourage it. I doubt 
whether any Secessionist, who passed through 
Stanton's rough hand, continued to have that 
lofty idea of his comparative social superiority 
that he entertained previously. "Contempt," 
says the proverb, "pierces even through the shell 
of the tortoise. " 

More than that, when Stanton was appointed, 
a military aristocracy of the Regular Army and of 
immense power had arisen in the bosom of the 
army of volunteers. This aristocracy had at its 
head the commander-in-chief and stretched its 
roots into every corps, regiment, and bureau, 



War Department and Its Head 125 

defying the Government at home with only a 
little less disdain than Davis manifested at Rich- 
mond. It cannot be that one rebellion shall 
be put down by another. Our own army was 
first to be made subordinate to the President, 
and then the Southern Army made subordinate 
to it. 

To relieve McClellan, court-martial Porter, 
and eliminate all traces of West Point class-tradi- 
tions, uniting by nicknames, I consider victories 
as important as Appomattox, and these nothing 
but the wooden and numb audacity of Stanton 
dared to achieve. 

Both Porter and Williams (McClellan's adjutant 
general) had permanent rooms in Washington at 
the house of a cousin of General Lee, an old lady 
whose two sons were in the Rebel Army. After 
Porter was court-martialed and dismissed, he 
ordered a beaver, which was sent home by the 
hatter with a card inscribed "Mr. Fitz-John 
Porter." He used to say he never felt the force 
of his sentence until he saw this card. "* 

This old lady, charming in every way except in 
her Secession proclivities, which were extremely 
bitter, had become poor and so straitened as to 
be obliged to let her rooms. Boarders, of course, 
she was unable to tolerate. Even then the old 
aristocracy was dominant, and she never allowed 
any of her lodgers to communicate with her or her 
daughters, unless they paid a formal call, rang 
the front- door bell, and sent in their names or 



126 Episodes of the Civil War 

cards by the negro servant. Nevertheless, all 
the members of her family picked lint and relieved 
the sufferings in the hospitals to the best of their 
power — perhaps more than the real Union ladies 
of the Capitol. 

Let me also give Stanton credit for never refusing 
to alleviate real — not fancied — distress, in all cases 
(and they were many) which I brought to his 
notice, including meritorious soldiers and officers 
who needed furloughs, reinstatements, promotions, 
and the like, always doing what he did promptly 
and with the air of a man who is glad of an oppor- 
tunity of conferring a kindness as quickly as he is 
satisfied the object is deserving, and there is no 
attempt made to impose on him. 

Philip H. Watson, the Assistant Secretary, was 
like Stanton a Washington lawyer and associated 
with him in practice, with quite a reputation at 
the bar for skill in patent cases, plodding industry, 
and mechanical ingenuity. He had made a for- 
tune in business, and it was a source of wonder that 
he should follow his partner into this laborious 
office which required the incumbent to work day 
and night like a drayman. His build was, like 
Stanton's, short and stout; but he had red hair 
and beard, and was younger than his chief. Under 
his direction and supervision was organized and 
carried on a system of secret police, which first 
consisted of one man, and culminated in a regular 
force called "National Detectives" presided over 



War Department and Its Head 127 

by Colonel L. S. Baker. Of this system Watson 
was the inceptor and director. 

The first time I came in contact with Baker was 
under the following circumstances: A medium 
sized, lean man of about forty, with a suspicious 
look about the eyes, came to my office and requested 
a commitment to send to the Old Capitol a prisoner 
he had arrested, — a detective whom, he said, he 
had been watching a long while in Alexandria, and 
who, according to this man's statement, was levy- 
ing blackmail on the sutlers over there. I knew 
of no one who had authority to arrest in that way, 
and asked for his credentials. He refused to show 
any, at the time, and went away in a passion. 
Next day, from my morning report, I saw that the 
prisoner had been committed, by order of the 
Secretary of War. His name had, however, been 
withheld and his offense was not described. I 
inquired of Superintendent Wood who this Baker 
was, and was informed that he had a kind of roving 
commission under Watson. Wood's opinion of 
him was not good. I also inquired of the Pinker- 
ton detectives and found the same opinion. I 
allowed something for professional jealousies but 
found the Washington police had him down 
as a doubtful character. Watson then told me 
that he found it necessary to have the man 
about, although he retained him on the principle 
of " set a rogue to catch a rogue. " I was, however, 
surprised when he appointed him special provost 
marshal of the War Department as that gave him 



128 Episodes of the Civil War 

free scope to act without the guidance of Watson — 
and such an extension of power I esteemed a 
dangerous thing. 

The sequel showed that I was not far wrong. 
People of all sorts now suddenly disappeared and 
after a long interval were found to have been last 
seen entering the Carrol Prison, where neither 
Wadsworth nor the provost marshal of the District 
could see them, or even discover why they were 
there, and against whose incarceration even feeble 
remonstrance was very dangerous. Now began 
the reign of terror. 

Wood, according to his own statement, acted 
in connection with other detectives as the inquisi- 
tor of these people, and secured the evidence. His 
way was, as he said, never to approach his subjects 
until separate and long confinement had made 
them anxious to talk and to beg for their release. 
He was always the personal friend who would get 
any one released provided he confessed. In time 
the most innocent would acknowledge himself 
guilty. In obstinate cases, a suspected accessor}/" 
or near friend was imprisoned with the accused, 
their conversation overheard and taken down. 
In case there was no accessory or friend, then Wood 
created one, by confining in the same room a detec- 
tive who feigned being guilty of the same charge. 
In more obstinate cases Wood used to counterfeit 
testimony convicting the prisoner, and read it to 
him. That would sometimes extort confession. 
At other times the prisoner was allowed to give 



War Department and Its Head 129 

testimony in his own defense. With this, Wood 
mixed spurious evidence and read it to the prisoner 
who, seeing himself hopelessly entangled, would 
hasten to make a clean breast of matters and throw 
himself on the mercy of his torturer. 

The extraordinary proceedings, — solitary con- 
finement, a kind of inquisitorial process, denial of 
hearing, and examination even to regular officers 
and all kinds of Northern citizens, confiscations of 
property by detectives without preliminary notice 
or chance of redress, the arrival of a well-known 
character like Baker with almost dictatorial 
powers, — while it created fear and consternation 
everywhere, filled Wadsworth and myself with 
indignation, as we knew very well that the exigen- 
cies of the Service called for a retrenchment of 
the secret police — on which account the Pinkerton 
detectives were discharged — and that this creation 
of a regiment of detectives could be explained by 
nothing except a growing spirit of absolutism in 
the War Office. Military necessity could doubt- 
less excuse the moderate use of detectives in the 
early stages of the war, when the machinations of 
Secessionists compelled the loyal citizens to stand 
guard over the White House. But at a time when 
the result depended on success in the field, the 
establishment of a special prison with solitary 
confinement and the subjection of people to mental 
torture by a thousand lawless characters, appeared 
entirely inexcusable. 

How was this state of affairs to be remedied? 
9 



130 Episodes of the Civil War 

To protest was a very delicate matter. The people 
who had brought the subject to the attention of 
Congress were Coxe and Vallandigham, sympa- 
thizers with the Rebellion. How could any man 
use their arguments without taking their places in 
public estimation ? The chief of the civil police was 
indignant but, as he was a native of the district, 
he was scarcely the man. The mayor was indig- 
nant, but as his predecessor had been sent to Fort 
Warren, he was not the logical person. The only 
man at this time who thought he might be a pa- 
triot without assenting to the proceedings of Wat- 
son and Baker was Wadsworth, whose position 
as the prospective candidate for governor on 
the Union side in New York and irreproachable 
character with the President placed him above 
suspicion of disloyalty to the Government. Wads- 
worth denounced these proceedings in the loudest 
terms, while he directed me to have nothing to do 
with Watson and the detectives of the War Office 
and to permit them to have no transactions what- 
ever through or with me. Watson was not troubled 
much by this procedure. Instead of sending his 
orders through Wadsworth, and giving him a 
chance to disobey them, he sent them directly to 
me. Wadsworth then ordered me not to obey 
Watson unless by his consent. Watson got around 
this by summoning me to report to the War Office, 
gave me my orders, and bade me carry them out at 
once. In this awkward dilemma between the 
contending powers, Baker took advantage of the 



War Department and Its Head 131 

situation to use his powers upon me, and succes- 
sively preferred charges of misappropriation of 
Government funds, violation of the orders of the 
War Department in releasing prisoners at the 
guard house, excess of authority, connivance in 
the smuggling of liquor to the army, sympathy 
with traitors in releasing certain parties, while 
Wood preferred charges of sympathy with traitors 
because of the release of those detained at the Old 
Capitol. I answered these charges successfully 
and was acquitted in each case; and so complete 
was my vindication that Watson turned round and 
gave me directions to arrest Baker and any of his 
force that could be found at his office opposite 
Willard's, and send them to the guard house, 
which they had designed as a place of detention for 
me. Baker himself could not be found, but his 
subordinates were apprehended. Their chief ever 
afterwards left me in peace. The liquor pass, on 
which Baker preferred the charge that I had con- 
nived in the smuggling of liquor, turned out to be 
forged. This turned the tables. He either forged 
it himself, or shut his eyes purposely to the fact 
that it was forged, or was not sharp enough, 
detective though he was, to discover a forgery. 
Either alternative told against him. 

Once only, I got into difficulties at the War 
Office. That came near resulting in my severing 
my connection with the army, in disgrace. One 
day, as I was going to my dinner, a servant brought 
a message from my next door neighbor, an ex- 



132 Episodes of the Civil War 

officer of the navy, to the effect that there were 
two ladies who desired to see me at once. They 
had waited all day before the office and had been 
unable to get admission. Would I step in only for 
a moment? I entered and found an old lady and 
her daughter, a fine-looking girl of about twenty. 
They told me they lived beyond the lines of Gen- 
eral Sigel and desired to return home that day. 
I asked, as usual, for letter of recommendation. 
They quickly produced a letter from a member of 
the Cabinet whom I knew well and who had often 
given me personal intelligence of Secession move- 
ments, and had placed at my disposal his colored 
servant in ferreting out such movements. The 
ladies produced, besides, General Wadsworth's 
pass not yet expired. Deeming this ample, I 
wrote on the back "renewed for thirty days" and 
signed my name. About three weeks after this 
and when, in the hurry of a thousand incidents, I 
had forgotten the event, I found on coming home 
one evening two men sitting on my doorstep, who, 
on being questioned as to their business, said they 
were resting. The thing looked suspicious and I 
began to scent trouble. Soon after, I was aroused 
one night at one o'clock by an orderly requiring 
my instant presence at the War Office. On going 
there, I found Mr. Stanton, Secretary of War, 
alone. He shut the door with much gravity and, 
handing me a piece of paper , wanted to know 
whether that was my signature. I answered 
"Yes." He then wanted to know by whose 



War Department and Its Head 133 

authority I had passed two loads of quinine 
through Sigel's lines. I answered him that I had 
given the pass on some one's recommendation 
but whose I could not recollect. I was then told 
that unless I could explain this matter, I was by 
the Secretary's order dishonorably dismissed. 
This hastened the action of my memory. Still I 
could not remember who gave the recommendation. 
After a search all night in the pigeonholes of the 
office, I found the memorandum of the Cabinet 
officer's letter, which, being produced, ended the 
incident. It seems that these women were niece 
and sister-in-law of the person who recommended 
them and, in company with a minister called Buck 
Bailey, had filled their crinoline and a false wagon 
body with opium, sulphur, and quinine, then in 
great demand, and had gone on their journey. 
They were arrested by Sigel's pickets and my pass 
found on their persons. They did not stay long 
in the Old Capitol and the whole thing was hushed 
up. 



NOTES TO CHAPTER IV 

' The alleged husband was, however, convicted of selling 
pistols in New York, and his friend of having attempted to 
bribe the authorities by a gift of diamond rings. He was dis- 
missed from the service. 

^ This sentence was later revoked and Porter was restored. 



CHAPTER V 
INCIDENTS OF PROVOST DUTY 

Although possessed of a power over the pro- 
perty and persons of the Capitol that was unde- 
fined, I soon found that the post was not a bed of 
roses. It is sometimes hard to please one master; 
how much harder to satisfy a dozen ! My regular 
superior was Wadsworth, and above him the 
Secretary with two assistants, above them the 
President and Cabinet, above them the members of 
Congress, and above all the great American people, 
who, in this war, meant to have their own way, 
in spite of their Government. With all this came 
every few weeks a new commander of the forces 
in and about Washington who would have things 
done in his way. It is evident that I was often 
obliged to satisfy no one except myself, or at most 
General Wadsworth alone. 

Thus, I remember a private soldier of an Iowa 
regiment who came to me complaining that he had 
forwarded by Adams Express $50 to his aged 
parents at home, and that he had taken a receipt, but 
that the money had never reached the persons for 
whom it was intended. He had letters and affi- 

134 



Incidents of Provost Duty 135 

davits showing that the money had been demanded 
at home, but had not been received. He had then 
apphed again to the Washington office, had de- 
manded his money back on his receipt, and had 
been ordered out of the office ; whereupon he came 
to me for rehef . 

I sent a poHte note to the officer of the company 
at Washington requesting him to attend to the 
matter without delay, as the soldier's furlough 
was nearly out. No answer was made. I wrote 
again requesting an answer. They replied 
evasively and defiantly. I then directed the 
cavalry patrol to seize the first loaded wagon 
belonging to the company and bring it to head- 
quarters. In half an hour a two-horse truck, filled 
with trunks and boxes, was driven into the yard 
and a few moments later in rushed the excited 
superintendent of the company. The soldier got 
his money and went off rejoicing. 

On another occasion a private soldier complained 
that he had left his silver watch with a jeweler on 
Seventh Street, and had taken his check for it, on 
the presentation of which he was offered instead of 
his own, a pinchbeck article utterly worthless. 

I made him give an accurate description of the 
article and bring evidence of his comrades to 
corroborate his statement. On this the jeweler 
was brought before me. He protested indignantly 
that the soldier's watch was the pinchbeck. He 
was ordered to the guardhouse. On his way down 
he requested the guard to go home with him, and 



136 Episodes of the Civil War 

this being done, the original was found and 
restored. 

The order compelling bar-rooms to be closed 
at nine o'clock in the evening was generally obeyed 
in all the principal hotels; but when, after the 
battle of Bull Run, the sale of all Hquors was in- 
terdicted, great nimibers got into trouble by 
selling liquor in secret bars, and Willard's, Ham- 
mack's, Beninger's, Gautier's and the Metropol- 
itan's stocks of liquor were seized and held. They 
were finally, however, returned on promises of 
better behavior, which were kept. 

I was frequently in receipt of complaints from 
respectable ladies living in good neighborhoods 
that bawdy houses were open in the same row, 
causing their residences, by reason of the rabble 
entering them by mistake, to be intolerable. 

No one who has not witnessed it can believe the 
freedom with which this business was carried on 
and patronized at this time in Washington. 
Keepers of brothels from New York, Philadelphia, 
Baltimore, and even the Western cities of St. 
Louis, and Chicago, were attracted hither by the 
chance of making money, and occupied entire 
blocks on the south side of Pennsylvania Avenue. 
Four hundred and fifty houses registered were in 
Washington alone. One establishment supported, 
in addition to a fine mansion surrounded with 
gardens, and luxuriously furnished, a summer 
retreat twelve miles up the Potomac, at Great 
Falls, whither the women retired when the busi- 



Incidents of Provost Duty 137 

ness was dull. All of them were crowded at night. 
Even in the day it was not unusual to see a long 
row of saddled horses standing before such resorts. 
The keepers were, of course, most complaisant to 
the police. The moment the tramp of the patrol 
was heard before the door, they made the girls open 
every room door to the guard. They made it a 
kind of point of honor to obey with alacrity what 
they could not help. Of course, it was impossible 
to do more for this evil than to keep it in check. 
But the demoralizing influence of war is so great 
that it was no uncommon sight to see young officers 
of good families driving or riding side by side with 
these characters in the most public parts of 
Pennsylvania Avenue, and even taking them to 
the theater. 

At one time, I drew up a plan to license the most 
orderly of the class, and to close up the rest; but 
it was not approved. 

I accordingly did the best I could, had each 
house registered and had a weekly report made 
on the conduct of its inmates. 

When the sanitary condition required it, I 
ordered them out of the city, and saw that they 
were safely landed in New York. 

Against the invasion of these characters into 
respectable neighborhoods the civil law was 
powerless. Landlords were paid immense premi- 
ums and winked at it. If arrested by the civil 
police they were always boarding-house keepers. 
In such cases, I used to have the premises exam- 



138 Episodes of the Civil War 

ined, and, if found as charged, I put them into the 
street, without notice, and took the key to the 
office. To give them such notice as humanity- 
dictated, was to give them leave to stay, for the 
many officers whose plans were disarranged by such 
summary proceedings were almost sure to get a 
higher order countermanding mine. If they got 
too troublesome the depot guard sent them out of 
the city as often as they came back. 

Not frequently mothers and fathers came to 
hunt for missing sons, or wives for lost husbands, 
while officers of Union and Soldiers' Aid Societies 
with material supplies for the sick and wounded 
were numerous, and in all these cases it was a 
pleasure to be able to do the right thing on the spot, 
without the delay of red tape. But the people 
generally supposed the provost marshal to have 
greater power than he had, and if an impossible 
or unreasonable request was denied, it was fre- 
quently explained by some personal hostility. I 
have frequently received the most profuse thanks 
for granting a pass to people whom I never saw 
(that being done altogether by subordinates), 
and again, the most revengeful messages from 
others because they had been refused, by the same 
subordinates. Even officers in the field, if their 
request for a supply of liquor was made to conform 
to the general order that none be sent except when 
recommended by at least one brigadier-general, 
were not moderate in their denunciations. I 
remember allowing the wife of a Polish colonel to 



Incidents of Provost Duty 139 

join her husband in the Shenandoah Valley, as a 
special favor. On her return, she overwhelmed 
me with thanks and tried to make me many 
valuable presents, which were declined. On the 
other hand because the Secretary refused all passes 
and I could therefore not grant one to a gentleman 
who desired to visit his son at Aquia Creek, he 
denounced me to the President as a military 
tyrant. 

The friends of repentant Rebels were a great 
source of annoyance. 

One son of a bishop who had gone South and 
fought under Lee was captured and in the Old 
Capitol. He got his friends to try to affect his 
release without taking the oath. They worked 
earnestly for him. But I forwarded him to For- 
tress Monroe, for exchange. My experience was 
that this oath was regarded as straw, and merely 
the means of deliverance, and that as soon as these 
gentlemen were tired of doing nothing, they turned 
up again under Lee. One Pennsylvania boy, 
who had left his State for the South, and who 
appeared in the Old Capitol, wrote an affecting 
letter to his aunt in Pennsylvania, declaring his 
repentance of his folly, and asking for a remittance. 
She answered very briefly that as for his profes- 
sions they were scarcely supported by his conduct, 
but she enclosed him twenty-five cents in U. S. 
stamps, with which to write good Union letters 
to his affectionate aunt. 

One evening, the son of a Washington lawyer 



140 Episodes of the Civil War 

with his wife and family arrived in Washington, 
having run the blockade, and appeared at his 
father's house. The old man was strong Union, 
and next morning came right to me and told me 
his son went to link hi:^. fortune with the Confeder- 
acy and thought the tide had turned. He was a 
Rebel and was not to be permitted to take the oath. 
The son accordingly was held for exchange, but 
finally, on account of his family, he was permitted 
to take the oath and was put under heavy bonds 
to keep it. 

A fruitful source of trouble was the possession 
of Government property by citizens; which the 
guards were ordered to seize wherever found and 
restore to the Government. At the depot the guard 
daily took away from citizens who had visited 
the battlefields and who had gathered trophies, 
from ten to one hundred pieces of swords, muskets, 
and side arms. A large trade was also carried on 
by our own officers in this way. Many cavalry 
officers managed to send to their friends at home 
their captured horses, instead of turning them 
over to the quartermasters. But these were 
generally found and stopped at Washington. 
The shipment to friends at home of arms and 
property captured in the South was not unusual. 
This sort of property was sold at the market and 
the money turned over to the Government. 

But the item of greatest account was the swin- 
dling in Government property by quartermasters. 

One of Blenker's division, when the army moved, 



Incidents of Provost Duty 141 

had a three-story wareroom crammed with pro- 
perty which was being taken by his confederates 
out of the alley in the rear and being sent to 
New York. 

A common dodge of quartermasters was to get 
large amounts of sutler's stores in their invoices, 
convey them to the army, and sell them at great 
profits. 

Another scheme whereby the Government lost 
to a great amount was in buying horses and selling 
them. An inspecting officer, who had been prop- 
erly manipulated, imposed on the Government, 
at the rate of $120.00 per head, horses worth on an 
average $50, and condemned as worthless horses 
that were sold at $5.00 and netted the buyers 
$30.00. 

Sutler's stores commanded such immense profits 
that it paid to take all the risks of confiscation. In 
this business the Baltimore Jews excelled. Their 
favorite route was via Port Tobacco, stopping at 
the Kimmel House at Washington. The favorite 
plan was to send a woman with a large pile of 
trunks, with false bottoms — the tops being cov- 
ered with articles of female clothing. Quinine, 
morphine, opium, and Confederate buttons ap- 
peared to be in the greatest demand. The pro- 
prietor of the Kimmel House was frequently 
arrested on suspicion of complicity, but the 
Secretary a^ often released him. 

The amount of liquors daily confiscated at the 
bridges, endeavoring to pass without authority, 



142 Episodes of the Civil War 

averaged in value about $500.00, and that con- 
fiscated for ill gal sales in the city was about the 
same. The cellars of the office were crowded with 
boxes of the choicest French and German wines. 
These were eventually turned over to the Com- 
missary Department. 

With the large sums of money in the hands of 
newly fledged officers, the gambling houses of course 
did a flourishing business; and with the houses of 
ill fame, the most that could be done was to keep 
them under restraint. To suppress what was 
under the patronage of leading people in the United 
States was out of the question. In many cases, 
officers complained that having become incited 
with liquor they had entered gambling-hells and 
been fleeced out of all their pay. Ordinarily I 
would give no redress, thinking the punishment 
deserved. Sometimes, however, there were cir- 
cumstances that showed a downright robbery — 
and if satisfied on that point, I would direct an 
instant return of the money or enforce a confisca- 
tion of the house, furniture, and tools, depositing 
the key at headquarters. This, in all but one case, 
brought forth the stolen money. As a rule, the 
proprietors of these establishments appeared to 
feel an interest in preserving a reputation for fair 
play, and hated publicity above all things. They 
needed only to be told what the military authorities 
wanted — short of closing them up — to comply. 
One of these establishments, the largest in the 
city, was never kept closed, although frequently 



Incidents of Provost Duty 143 

ordered to be. They had the saloon upstairs, 
entered through a winding passage, and through 
one outer and three inner doors, at each of which 
stood a watchman, communicating with a guard 
on the pavement outside. At the sHghtest ap- 
proach of alarm, the signal was given and passed 
upstairs, the dealer hid his cards and chips, and the 
inmates escaped through a passage in the rear. 

The doors were then opened and showed nothing 
but a splendidly furnished suite of rooms, with 
chairs in crimson, and richly framed oil paintings 
on the walls, and a supper table laden with deli- 
cacies of food and wine, superior to any that could 
be procured elsewhere in the city. The secret 
police, of course, were frequently here as spectators 
and players, but they were never sharp enough 
to bring the guard in at the moment when the 
playing was going on. Of course, the proof was 
abundant, but the influences that baffled me were 
of too high a character to be overcome by a sub- 
ordinate officer of the army. 

Many attempts were, of course, made to remove 
me from office, but I had no need to fear such as 
long as General Wadsworth was in command. 
He knew the natural result of a vigorous re- 
straint on established nuisances, and he expected 
retaliation. 

The other natural resource — bribery, was also 
not left untried. To induce me to let this same 
gambling establishment alone, I was offered, by 
parties who claimed to be authorized, a colonel's 



144 Episodes of the Civil War 

commission. I never inquired whether they had 
such authority, but kept battering away at the 
gambHng until I left. 

The largest pecuniary bribe I was ever offered 
came from Jews. One of them, a quartermaster of 
a cavalry regiment, had been arrested for shipping 
navy revolvers to Baltimore and selling them, 
and was awaiting trial by court-martial at the Old 
Capitol. The case was a clear one and the 
evidence sure to convict him. 

His wife, a young and beautiful woman of 
Baltimore, apparently highly educated and refined, 
and dressed in silks and diamonds, came and threw 
herself at Wadsworth's feet imploring him, in 
tears, to have mercy on her and her family and 
spare them the disgrace of a conviction for dis- 
honorable conduct. Wadsworth would not hear 
her. She then begged for only a few minutes' 
interview with him. But the Governor, dis- 
gusted with her husband's treachery, would give 
her no satisfaction. 

She now shifted her attack to me. That day, 
while sitting down to dinner at Willard's, I was 
told that a lady wished to see me upstairs in her 
parlor, on the most urgent business. I promised 
to come after dinner. Nothing would do, however, 
but that I come immediately. I went upstairs 
and found the quartermaster's wife, who made to 
me the same appeal. I told her I could and would 
do nothing. 

It appears, however, that I must have ex- 



Incidents of Provost Duty 145 

pressed myself with too much courtesy to forbid 
all hope. 

Next morning, before I had arisen, I was awaked 
by a Jew from Philadelphia with whom I was well 
acquainted, and who afterwards turned up in the 
Old Capitol for making too much money out of a 
horse-contract. As we were alone, he sat down 
on the bed and proceeded to talk business and 
come to his point at once. He wanted that 
quartermaster honorably out of the scrape, and 
was willing to pay to get it done, without regard 
to cost. To begin operations he laid down on the 
counterpane a roll of one thousand dollar treasury 
notes and a cluster diamond ring, and presented 
his plan of accomplishing his friend's release 
without compromising myself. I could either 
connive at his escape, or prevent his trial, or 
influence the War Department to release him, or, if 
it came to the worst, pack the court with officers 
directed to acquit. 

It was also possible, although he did not say so, 
or seem to think it, for me to take his money, keep 
it and put him (the briber) out of the way of telling. 

But his chief argument was that if I did suffer 
for it, I had a fortune to console me. I, of course, 
refused and asked him to leave. He refused to go, 
until I rang the bell, when he packed up his roll 
and rings and went away. When he was outside 
the door, however, he apparently thought of firing 
a farewell shot, and threw the ring into the room 
through the ventilator. I showed it to Wadsworth 



146 Episodes of the Civil War 

and sent it to the quartermaster's wife, to whom 
I suppose it belonged. Her husband was con- 
victed and was sent to the penitentiary. 

Prudence alone would have dictated such re- 
fusals. My successor in the office was unfortunate 
enough, although I believe a strictly honest man, 
to have consented to take a ring from an Italian 
woman, advancing her money on it. This transac- 
tion led to his trial and dismissal, although he 
was afterwards reinstated. 

Small bribes, or to speak more gently, presents, 
were sent in great numbers, and generally were 
left at the rooms with a card, — cases of wine, boxes 
of cigars, money, jewelry, tickets — and were 
returned or turned over to the Government. 
There was no sense in offering me bribes, for the 
good reason that had I wanted to steal or even to 
make money by methods that were dishonest, but 
not dangerous, I could have had abundant oppor- 
tunities without any risk whatever; in the dis- 
position and sale of the vast amount of confiscated 
Government stores, which were uninventoried, 
and of which I had the disposal without being 
responsible to anybody, — depots of clothing, ships 
and cargoes of smuggled goods. Confederate and 
Government money — horses, medicines, and a 
thousand valuable things which I could ship 
North and sell, and keep the money, without the 
knowledge of any one. vSo, in purchasing stores 
for the contrabands, that was entirely my business, 
and I was not obliged to render to any one an 



Incidents of Provost Duty 147 

account of what I did, or to whom or how much I 
paid. 

The theatre and concert saloons of Washington 
understood very well how to get along with the 
military powers, and gave the officers of the guard 
every assistance in the disagreeable duty of passing 
through the audience and arresting and taking 
along every officer and soldier who had no proper 
authority for being there. To show the number 
at the places of amusement of an evening, I submit 
the following report : 

Headquarters Provost Marshal's Office, 
Washington, D. C, Dec. 30, 1862. 
Lieut. Col. Doster, 
Provost Marshal. 
Col.: 

In compliance with your order to visit all the 
places of amusement in this City and report to you 
the number of officers and enlisted men, I report the 
following number, as being correct to the best of my 
knowledge, found at the following places — 

Grovers — Theatre 63 officers and 76 enlisted men 



orderly & 



Fords 


43 


" 


" 51 


Washington " 


44 


II 


" 14 


Canterbury Hall 


28 


II 


" 33 


Washington 








Varieties 


22 


II 


" 51 


Winter Garden 


5 


II 


" 4 


Academy of Music 


I 


II 


" 12 


Metropolitan Hall 


18- 


224 " 


" 16-257 



At the Varieties they sell drinks, both strong and 
otherwise but I saw no one intoxicated; at the 
Academy of Music, Winter Garden and Metropolitan 



148 Episodes of the Civil War 

Hall the same was going on but saw no disorderly 
conduct, nor liquor sold to soldiers — (Privates). 

Elmer D. McIntosh. 

As the audiences were mainly officers and 
soldiers and Northern citizens, the natural desire 
to please the audience produced a drama that, if 
not very high, was with few exceptions loyal. 
I remember only twice being obliged to interfere 
on that account. Grover, after the second Bull 
Run, represented General McDowell in a ludicrous 
light as running away from Bull Run field; which 
was interdicted. Canterbury Hall was once closed 
for indecencies. It was notable that the plays 
ordinarily were far removed from war and its 
horrors, and the most popular were such light 
plays as dealt with pastoral and peaceful subjects. 
Any allusion to "mother" addressed to the crowds 
of young men absent from home, although made 
ad nauseam, never failed to bring down the house. 
The war appeared only in the songs and the poor 
poetry — 

Oh ! I've come down to Washington 
To fight for Abraham's glory, 

and the other, 

The Captain with his whiskers cast a sly glance at me, 

were the favorites. 

It happened only twice in that time that new 
regiments refused to cross the line that divided 
the enemy's country from ours. 



Incidents of Provost Duty 149 

Once a Pennsylvania regiment embarked at 
the Arsenal on a steamer bound for Fortress 
Monroe became refractory. In the morning it 
was found that the entire ship's crew and the 
officers had been seized and confined and the en- 
listed men were masters of the ship. The 
commandant of the Arsenal sent word of the situ- 
ation, I went aboard and demanded of the 
men the instant release of the prisoners. They 
claimed that they had been enHsted only for the 
defenses of Washington and not for the Army of 
the Potomac. I answered that they could settle 
that when they were at Fortress Monroe, by 
appealing to their commanding General, but now 
they must obey orders and release their officers. 
Making no movement, I drew up a battalion of 
infantry, v^ith orders to sweep the decks and fire 
by platoons. The clink of the ramrods in the 
muzzles brought them to terms and they went off 
with a detail of the guard on board. 

On another occasion, the men of a new regiment 
refused to embark at all until their officers were 
changed, saying that their colonel and lieutenant- 
colonel were entirely worthless. The sequel, in 
which the lieutenant-colonel afterwards landed in 
the Old Capitol for horse-stealing, shows they were 
not entirely wrong. But orders had to be obeyed, 
and they were driven on board, at the point of the 
bayonet, and the officers sent by land to Fortress 
Monroe. 

An interesting class, whom the authorities often 



150 Episodes of the Civil War 

had to deal with, were the foreign adventurers who 
sought their fortunes in the Union Army. Not- 
able stands the "Brigadier- General" Bolen, who 
was to be found at the Kirkwood, wearing a uniform 
of brigadier-general, but without any authority 
whatever for wearing it except — that he had a 
plan for pontoons and knew Mr. Seward. He was 
three times taken to the guardhouse and stripped 
of his uniform, but his perseverance brought him 
back. The third time he was showered and 
ordered to New York, under penalty of the ball 
and chain. He then disappeared. 

Another little gentleman appeared at Willard's 
wearing a staff captain's uniform, claiming to be the 
natural son of Lord Byron, by a Spanish Countess, 
and gave his name as George de Luna Byron. 
He was ordered to take off his uniform and did so, 
but pertinaciously reappeared in it until ordered 
out of the city. He was otherwise quite harmless. 
The Count de Schweinitz, a barber, and a most ele- 
gant and courtly looking man, of manners, which 
the Washington ladies pronounced most charming, 
had letters to Mr. Seward who secured him a 
colonel's commission on McClellan's staff. Huse- 
mann, the Austrian Minister, also vouched for his 
genuineness, and cashed a large draft for him, when 
his funds ran low from giving dinner parties. The 
landlord of the New York Hotel, a very clever 
German, in addition to letting him run up a large 
account, lent him $800.00, for what will not a 
landlord do for a rich count ? After he had had all 



Incidents of Provost Duty 151 

these he was suddenly discovered. There were no 
counts de Schweinitz. The guard was ordered to 
arrest him, but on a Sunday afternoon he quickly 
rode by the picket on the Baltimore Turnpike 
and never was heard of more. 

At this New York Hotel, 6th and D streets, could 
be found a great gathering of the German officers, 
many noblemen of Blenker's, Sigel's, and Stein- 
wehr's commands. There was a summer garden 
and music in the open air. Here, nightly, a 
Prussian lieutenant of artillery played on the 
piano and sang comic songs, for his board, while 
he was working his cards at the State Department. 
He finally succeeded in getting a lieutenant- 
colonel's commission in a New York infantry 
regiment. 

Colonel D' quarreled with his quarter- 
master. The mistress of the former prefers charges 
against the latter who is sent to the Old Capitol. 
When the latter is released he turns round and 
informs on the mistress, that she has Government 

property in her possession, and D' is sent 

to Sing Sing. 

Lieutenant-colonel C quarreled with 

Colonel S of Scott's 900, his chief, and the 

first is sent to the Old Capitol. C is made 

colonel of the 4th New York and turns round and 
gets S dismissed. He is also reinstated. 

One colonel of a Pennsylvania cavalry regiment, 
a German Jew, is dismissed and thrown into the 
Old Capitol, for stealing horses. He is released 



152 Episodes of the Civil War 

and tries to be made a brigadier-general but fails. 
Undaunted he deals in substitutes. 

Another German, lieutenant-colonel of a Penn- 
sylvania cavalry regiment, is imprisoned for the 
same offense, is released, and opens a lager-beer 
saloon on the Avenue. 

Among these foreigners was a Danish lieutenant 
of cavalry, a lieutenant in the 5th Pennsylvania 
Cavalry, who excited the wonder of all who saw 
him for his great size and personal beauty. 

Colonel Havelock, whose breast was covered 
with decorations, and whom McClellan appointed 
colonel and inspector-general on his staff was, the 
colonel claimed, most shabbily treated by Mc- 
Clellan, who, on leaving for Yorktown, left him 
behind, as if he had utterly forgotten him. The 
old and venerable colonel was very much insulted 
and applied to Stanton for assignment. Stanton 
sent him to Wadsworth, and Wadsworth had 
him inspect one battalion of cavalry — all he had. 
The colonel endured this for a year and then went 
home in disgust. 

It was a singular thing to see how many English- 
men applied to me for assistance to commissions, 
on the ground that they had participated in the 
charge of the Light Brigade at Balaclava, consider- 
ing the number who fell in the charge. 

The second battle of Bull Run was the most 
exciting event of my term in its effect on Washing- 
ton City. 

About four o'clock on Saturday evening a bulle- 



Incidents of Provost Duty 153 

tin was placed on the eastern front of the Treasury- 
Department announcing in large letters, that a 
great victory over the Rebels had been won at the 
old battlefield of Bull Run — that 10,000 dead and 
wounded men were lying on the field, that all good 
citizens should meet there at 5 p.m. with such 
articles of food and medicine as they had on hand, 
and be carried to the field in ambulances. Signed 
by E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

Around this placard was a big crowd, some 
arguing against the probabilities of victory, others 
swearing by Pope who had his ' ' headquarters in the 
saddle," others hurrying to spread the news and 
get ready for the ambulance train. 

At the same time, a telegram was flashed over 
the Northern wires, announcing a signal victory, 
that fighting was still going on, that there was a 
great want of physicians and nurses. All patriots 
who could assist in either capacity should hasten 
to report to the surgeon-general and be sent to the 
field. 

At 5 P.M. the crowd at the Treasury was already 
dense. No ambulances appeared. The mass of 
people extended from the surgeon-general's office 
to Willard's. At length the train arrived and was 
quickly filled with eager passengers, but not one 
quarter found room. More trains arrived and 
until 9 P.M. an incessant stream of ambulances 
carrying commissary stores, medicines, liquors, 
doctors, nurses, and curious citizens passed down 
14th Street over Long Bridge. In the confusion. 



154 Episodes of the Civil War 

there passed through our lines, at this unexpected 
and sudden news, well-known traitors, officers on 
leave of absence, convalescents from the hospitals, 
generals and staffs on duty in the city, women, 
children, and girls, congressmen who wanted 
to see a battlefield, State, sanitary, and Christian 
commission agents. 

When the ambulances had gone, the crowd 
seized carriages, cabs, omnibuses, dog-carts, horses, 
and many walked to the field. Still the insatiate 
and turbulent crowd needed conveyance, still the 
siirgeon-general had another body of excited nurses 
to forward, still the quartermaster had more sup- 
plies to send and no way to send them. Trans- 
portation must be furnished and I was ordered 
to furnish it. I scattered a regiment of cavalry 
and two of infantry throughout the two cities with 
orders to take every animal that could draw and 
every vehicle that could be drawn, and bring it 
to my office with drivers. 

The cavalry, delighted with the sweeping nature 
of their orders, with drawn saber commanded 
cabmen to "unload and come along." The 
traveling world of the avenue was forcibly or 
peaceably ejected. Strangers arriving in the cars 
and taking cabs were obliged to dismount before 
reaching the hotel, ladies in dinner toilette, — all 
were compelled to alight and let their drivers 
follow the cavalry despot. 

By 9 P.M. I Street down to 17th, the Avenue, 19th 
Street down to the Avenue were jammed with 



Incidents of Provost Duty 155 

a variety of vehicles and drivers in every shade of 
rage and indignation. A caravan was formed and 
loaded and ordered off under cavalry escort. 
Before reaching Georgetown, some drivers upset, 
and the back of the sabre was used to straighten 
them. So the night continued. New trains were 
formed, loaded, and forwarded. At twelve o'clock 
a peremptory order arrived to furnish a train for 
quartermaster stores at 22nd and G Streets by six 
in the morning. 

Orders were then issued to seize the horses of 
the horse-cars and harness them to the extinct 
omnibus line; and to search the livery stables, 
cab depots, and private stables for horses and 
drivers. 

At five in the morning, the whole visible region 
of streets was again packed with omnibuses, cabs, 
market wagons, old family coaches, hay wagons, 
dog-carts, rockaways, sulkies, coupes, and gigs. 

They were again formed in line and ordered to 
move to the quartermaster's to be laden. The 
drivers refused; their horses were not fed or 
watered; some were suddenly ill; others had 
broken axles or tires ; all were able to swear roundly 
and copiously. At last, however, they moved 
forward. 

Then news came that the victory was not so 
brilliant. There had been first a check, then 
defeat, then defeat explained by McDowell's 
alleged treason, — a report that Sigel had tried 
to shoot McDowell for treason — next, a report 



156 Episodes of the Civil War 

that a council of war called and concluded to fall 
back — report that Pope had been baffled by 
McClellan, that Porter had refused to come to 
time — defeat and 'apologies for defeat — the army 
back in the defenses of Centerville. 

By the arrival of the New York train at eight 
o'clock the effect of Stanton's telegram was ap- 
parent in the crowds of country practitioners, pro- 
fessors, undergraduates, and nurses who came and 
offered themselves as called for. 

The exigencies of the service had been changed 
since they were sent for. Nothing except quarter- 
masters* stores were now admitted across the river. 
The patriot nurses were superfluous and wandered 
about in the vain hope of being smuggled across or 
of receiving an appointment at Washington, The 
majority hastened back, after a vain effort to get 
even their passage paid, cursing the Government 
which played upon their patriotic instincts and 
obliged them to pay the piper. 

This Sunday, at noon, the ambulance trains 
began to return filled with wounded, some of the 
nurses with them. They considered our defeat a 
terrible one, and the demoralization was very 
great. Their feeling against McDowell was very 
bitter. They reported that many nurses had 
wandered into the hands of the enemy, and that 
our troops were hurrying towards the city, hunger 
driving them faster than the enemy. All this while 
McClellan, with only his bodyguard, was staying 
at Alexandria out of command. 



Incidents of Provost Duty 157 

Monday. All eyes were turned for salvation to 
McClellan. He received command within the 
fortifications of all the troops that comprised the 
Army of the Potomac. The same day Pope and 
McDowell passed through Washington, the one 
for West Point, the other for the Northwest. 

The fortune of war has brought McClellan back 
to his house on the corner of Fifteenth and H 
streets, and with it the command of his army, 
because his rival Pope has been tried and found 
wanting. Here I saw Reno and Burnside receiving 
their instructions. The army passed through. It 
looked terribly worn with marching and fighting, 
but it was commanded by the only commander in 
whom it had confidence. There was a great deal 
of drunkenness, although the sale of liquor was for- 
bidden altogether. The straggling was not great. 
The boys wanted a victory, and believed they 
would have it. They were on Northern soil and 
that cheered them. 

We all breathed freer that McClellan was again 
in command, at least every one looked so. Of 
course, his enemies, to be consistent, were not 
sanguine. The army once through the city, 
we relapsed into our habitual routine, wondering 
what the two armies to the North of us would 
do. The leading surgeon of Washington was 
arrested and sent to the Old Capitol for attending 
the Rebels and refusing to touch the wounded 
Unionists. 

The examples of Florence Nightingale in the 



158 Episodes of the Civil War 

Crimea and the fame of Miss Dix brought many- 
young women to Washington and to me, for places 
as nurses. As a rule, they seemed to be actuated 
by the most humane motives mixed with a great 
deal of sentiment. -I used to send them all to 
Miss Dix, until this lady came and requested me 
to send none that were unable to turn a full grown 
man round in bed, and could do the most menial 
work. This thinned the ranks of applicants very 
much. As I was called upon to inspect the hos- 
pitals frequently, I cannot forbear paying a tribute 
of admiration to the cleanliness and excellence of 
all the arrangements and the beautiful and devoted 
side of human nature drawn out by them. Doug- 
las Row Hospital, in charge of the Sisters of Mercy, 
was a model in the way of sweet, pure air, — a very 
paradise for a wounded man. The Sisters had a 
little oratorio or chapel upstairs. The patients 
too bore up in all instances that I saw with great 
patience and bravery. 

I remember the case of a young man, which 
excited a good deal of interest at the Baptist 
Church Hospital. He belonged to a cavalry regi- 
ment, was quite delicate, and seemed to be dying 
of consumption. The daughter of a high Govern- 
ment officer took quite a fancy to him, brought him 
a great many luxuries, and corresponded with his 
mother. In time she noticed that the boy had 
something weighing on his mind which he wished 
to tell. Several times he began but failed to come 
to the point. Finally she pressed him to reveal 



Incidents of Provost Duty 159 

his troubles as he would to his own sister. "Well," 
he said, "I'm almost afraid you'll be offended." 
"No, I assure you I will be delighted to hear it. " 
"Well, Miss, I've been thinking for ever so long 
that the breeches I drew of the Government 
were too wide, and I want them taken in. " The 
young lady took them in, but she wasted no 
more sentiment, and confined herself to practical 
services. 

Two other young ladies were cured of their 
romance. One day the officer of the guard ar- 
rested two puny looking soldiers, supposed to be 
drummer boys. They refused to give the names 
of their regiments. To cure them of their obstin- 
acy, they were ordered to be showered, when the 
discovery was made that they were girls. Then 
they told that they came from Hagerstown, Md., 
had enlisted in the service to be with certain of 
their friends in the field. General Wadsworth gave 
them a kind admonition for the folly of their course 
and sent them home on the cars. They were aged 
respectively eighteen and twenty, and had passed 
through the battle of Bull Run. 

As it was the great desire and effort of the 
military authorities to stifle information instead of 
spreading news, the reporters of the New York 
press, who were an extremely active and energetic 
class, were exposed to a great deal of insolence and 
suffered a great many repulses at the various head- 
quarters in the city. It should be remembered by 
the future historian who starts on the hypothesis 



i6o Episodes of the Civil War 

that the daily papers furnished the best material, 
that they contained only such information as the 
Government either voluntarily gave (frequently 
that it was in such shape as the Government 
wished) or such as leaked out through subordinates, 
and that they are by no means as authentic and full 
as they might have been if there had been no 
suppression. The great field for collecting news 
used to be the hall of Willard's, from about five 
to seven-thirty in the evening. At these hours, 
the Congressmen had dined and were willing to 
chat, the officers on duty who knew anything 
that was going on were sauntering about to meet 
acquaintances, and whatever had happened of note 
was apt to be spoken of or within the knowledge 
of some one present. 

Accordingly, at these hours, the reporters made 
their grand attack. This required great dexterity. 
Those who knew much did not care to tell. Those 
who knew little were apt to gull with vague or 
false reports. Besides all were people of real or 
fancied importance, who could not be handled 
with too much suavity. A new hand would say, 
"I'm the reporter of the New York so and so — 
what do you know?" and be answered with a 
shrug. The older gleaners gently led people into 
conversation on rumor, feigned or real; argued, 
discussed, and left people in surprise at the amount 
of knowledge they had let escape. They were 
comrades, intimates with every one, who was 
connected with information ; they were constantly 



Incidents of Provost Duty i6i 

moving, talking, taking a note here in lead-pencil, 
another here on the memory. 

By seven-thirty they were full and hurried to 
their ojEhces to make up dispatches which had to 
be in by eight p.m. Of course, the evening papers 
of Washington supplied the best basis of informa- 
tion. They were censored and shaped into items. 
If there was a dearth of news, there were always 
rumors to deny. So Washington got its own 
news first from New York. 

The leading reporters were Puleston, Hill, Stan- 
ton, Henry, McCormick, and Gobright. 

Although at the time Mayor Wallach and the 
superintendent of police were in office, and gave me 
all the assistance in their power, they practically 
could not do much. The period was military, 
and the citizens were not slow in finding out that 
all privileges came from that source, and many 
availed themselves of it to turn civil complaints 
into military, for quick redress. A common 
complaint of the merchants along the avenue 
was that rival merchants were engaged in acts 
of secession. 



CHAPTER VI 

FREE NEGROES, CONTRABANDS, AND 
SLAVES 

After the Gordian knot, as to the disposition 
of slaves who were abandoned by the masters on 
the advance of the Union armies, had been cut by 
the decision of General Butler, accepted by General 
Halleck, classifying the slaves with abandoned 
rebel cattle and corn, and as such liable to be 
held and used by the Union forces, the provost- 
marshal general of the Army of the Potomac for- 
warded great numbers of them to Washington for 
disposal. 

It did not follow, however, that the disposal of 
them here was an easy task. General Butler's 
logic did well enough with negroes captured on the 
advance, but that was the smallest part. How to 
deal with those who abandoned their masters 
instead of being abandoned by them.? And it 
followed by no means because the runaway said 
so, that his master was disloyal or even outside the 
Union lines. In addition, they were entirely 
unused to freedom, and were like so many children 
asking us to take care of, rear them, teach them, 
and support them until they knew how to manage 

162 



Negroes, Contrabands, and Slaves 163 

themselves. The free colored negroes at Wash- 
ington hated them as rivals. The slaves despised 
them for being runaways. 

Washington, Baltimore, and Alexandria were still 
slave cities and the Fugitive Slave Law was in full 
force. The three cities each still had its slave 
pen, surrounded by gangs of professional kidnap- 
pers, who found in the contrabands an inex- 
haustible field for the exercise of their inhuman 
trade and for filling the Washington City jail. 
Warrants were daily issued by the commissioners, 
under the Fugitive Slave Law, which enabled the 
slave-owners of Maryland, or the District of 
Columbia to send deputy United States marshals 
into the midst of a Union regiment or contraband 
quarter, to secure for himself the property in any 
negro who had escaped from Virginia, and for the 
pure legal expenses. 

There came to our relief the Act of Congress of 
July 17, 1862: 

That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be 
engaged in rebellion against ^the Government of the 
United States, or who shall in any way give aid or 
comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and 
taking refuge within the lines of the army, and all 
slaves captured from such persons or deserted by 
them and coming under the control of the Government 
of the United States, and all slaves of such persons 
found on, or being within, any place occupied by rebel 
forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the 
United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and 



164 Episodes of the Civil War 

shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again 
held as slaves. 

Sec. X. That no slaves escaping into any State, 
Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other 
State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or 
hindered of his liberty, except for crime or some offense 
against the laws, unless the person claiming said 
fugitives shall first make oath that the person to 
whom the labor or service of each fugitive is alleged 
to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms 
against the United States in the present rebellion, 
nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto. And 
no person engaged in the military or naval service of 
the United States shall, under any pretense whatever, 
assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any 
person to the labor or service of any other person, or 
surrender up any such person to the claimant on pain 
of being dismissed from the service. 

To retain the grip the military police had on their 
people, and comply with the law, the following 
measures were taken : 

Each contraband, on his arrival, was examined 
by the detectives in relation to the loyalty and 
residence of his master, and was furnished with 
a paper signed by General Wadsworth, entitling 
him to the protection of the military authori- 
ties of the United States. He was sent under 
guard to what was then called Du£f Green's 
Row (later Carrol Prison) next door to the Old 
Capitol Prison, and guarded by a detachment 
of the Old Capitol Guard. The house was di- 



Negroes, Contrabands, and Slaves 165 

vided into many small rooms. The contrabands 
were lodged and under the superintendent of the 
Old Capitol and were supplied with rations and 
fuel. For clothing, I turned over to them the 
stolen second-hand blankets and uniforms re- 
covered in the hands of citizens. The men were 
divided into squads of twenty, under white non- 
commissioned officers, and made subject to 
requisitions for laborers in the medical and quarter- 
master's bureaus, and received as wages from 
fifty cents to one dollar per day. 

The quarters now became densely crowded. 
Efforts were made to secure them employment in 
families. But as they were farm hands, nobody 
cared to have them. Shortly afterward the small- 
pox broke out among them. The sick were kept 
here, the house turned into a hospital, and the 
whole removed to the barracks, about a mile north 
of Washington, formerly occupied by McClellan's 
bodyguard. A permanent guard was necessary. 
The smallpox broke out among them again. I 
offered to relieve the lieutenant in charge and 
ordered him to move his men to a distance from 
the contagion. He thought it his duty however to 
stand by them in trouble, caught the malady, and 
died. During the winter I turned a lot of goods 
confiscated at Leonardstown into $2000, and 
bought them cheap bedding and clothing at Phila- 
delphia. As fast as we could get the contrabands 
employment we shipped them North and made 
room for others. In spite of the utmost precau- 



1 66 Episodes of the Civil War 

tions, the slave-catchers — principally two named 
Wise and Allen, succeeded frequently in running 
these freemen into the Washington Pen. 

One evening, the chief laundress of the Hare- 
wood Hospital, Rachel Sutherland, a contraband 
who came within our lines at Aquia Creek, and 
had General Wadsworth's military protection on 
her person, was surprised at the unaccustomed 
absence of her husband Sandy Sutherland, em- 
ployed at the Patent Office Hospital. She sus- 
pected foul play, and requested Dr. Johnson the 
surgeon in charge of Harewood to go with her to 
the city jail. When there, she was told she could 
come in, but as soon as she had passed the door 
was consigned to a cell. Her three young children 
were left at the hospital and the mother's distress 
was extreme. Dr. Johnson turned to me and 
indignantly demanded redress. A little investiga- 
tion proved that this notorious pair, Wise and 
Allen, had run her husband into jail although 
he h^d also a military protection on his person. 

I sent down a lieutenant and ten men with 
orders to release the negroes, peaceably if they 
could, forcibly, if they must. 

The jail guards refused to deliver them, but 
the lieutenant marched his men inside and, resist- 
ance being useless, the fugitives were given up, 
the mother restored to her children and the hus- 
band placed under the bayonets of the United 
States at the Patent Office. Next day I caught 
the kidnappers and gave them six weeks' solitary 



Negroes, Contrabands, and Slaves 167 

confinement in the Old Capitol. When released 
they returned to the business. This dispute was 
referred to President Lincoln, who refused to 
interfere. [See an account of this case in address 
on Lincoln.] 

On another occasion the jail officers were not so 
easily frightened. 

Complaint having been made to Wadsworth, 
in the evening, that the contraband quarters had 
been invaded and a Virginia negro taken to the 
jail, the general ordered a lieutenant to go down 
and release him. The deputy, Phillips, refused 
and sent for Bradley, his attorney, to advise 
him what course to pursue. Bradley came and 
advised him not to give up his negro. 

Meanwhile Lamon returned and ordered off the 
lieutenant. The lieutenant made a charge and 
captured Phillips and Bradley, and Lamon cap- 
tured one private soldier and quickly locked the 
door. There was no use trying to force the door 
at that hour, and besides he had no instructions to 
proceed to violence. So he took Messrs. Bradley 
and Phillips to the Central Guard House where 
they stayed overnight. Early in the morning, 
Lamon summoned a posse comitatus in the name of 
the United States to release his deputy and his 
faithful counselor. One man responded. The 
rest had no fancy for charging on a house full of 
soldiers. So the two remained in confinement. 
Meanwhile I came to the headquarters and Wads- 
worth, somewhat chagrined at the excess of his 



i68 Episodes of the Civil War 

orders and failure, directed me to go down 
and set matters to rights. I accordingly took 
down a battalion of infantry and waited for the 
marshal. Diplomatic negotiations ensued. I de- 
manded my soldier and my negro — together with 
the keys to every cell, and stated that after that 
I would be willing to talk about the deputy and 
the counselor. The marshal refused to give up the 
keys. Meanwhile, McDougal, Senator from Cali- 
fornia arrived and began an oration on the sacred- 
ness of the Constitution of the United States as 
embodied in the person of the marshal. To cut 
matters short I took possession by force, released 
the soldier and the contraband, and found a 
number of others in like situation with military 
protections hidden away in cells. There was a 
general delivery. Then I thought we could afford 
to be magnanimous and released the deputy and 
counselor. Lamon hurried to the White House 
to procure the instant arrest of Wadsworth and 
myself. Fortunately for all concerned President 
Lincoln was not at home. I say fortunately for 
him, for these conflicts were not to his taste — he 
preferred to let matters decide themselves. Such 
secret catching of slaves continued, even after the 
Emancipation Proclamation was issued January i , 
1863, and after slavery had been abolished in the 
District. 

The passage of the Act of Congress provided for 
the emancipation of slaves, and the payment of the 
masters in the District of Columbia fell like a 



Negroes, Contrabands, and Slaves 169 

stroke of lightning on the slaveholders, and when 
they had recovered a little, the impulse of most was 
to run their slaves into Maryland. They seemed 
to act like a master whose house is burning and 
carries his furniture from room to room, unable to 
comprehend the system as doomed and bound to 
go down. The trouble they had to encounter was 
getting the negroes off. These knew their right 
very well and any attempt at force would of course 
have produced an outcry and would have brought 
the military down on the heads of the masters. 
Therefore, there was, all at once, a strange be- 
nignity about the bearing of masters toward these 
people and then gentle persuasion to go on a visit 
to Baltimore or across the Anacostia or to some 
country seat beyond the District line. One man 
had the hardihood to ask me to just do nothing 
about his slaves. He was going to coax them off 
and if I wouldn't interfere would succeed. I 
declined to be neutral, and saw to it that this class 
was very well informed of what they had to gain 
by staying where they were. Thus, masters who 
were wise hastened to draw their pay and retain 
their servants for wages. As a rule the people were 
very much attached and stayed where they were, 
but the number of rich, free negroes at Washington 
forbade any general, successful attempt to trick 
them out of their freedom. I heard of some who 
were run out into Maryland and also that they 
escaped altogether — leaving the master with 
nothing. 



CHAPTER VII 
CABINET MEMBERS AND ARMY OFFICERS 

Preeminent for ability appeared to stand out, 
during this Administration, Salmon P. Chase. 
At the age of seventeen, Chase was known to the 
Washingtonians as a New Hampshire school- 
master, patronized by a few of the best families 
of the city in I Street below Nineteenth. The 
old residenters have told me that at this time he 
read law and was noted for his fine presence. 

On his return, he was the beau-ideal of a fine- 
looking American gentleman, had been twice 
Governor of Ohio, was eminent as a lawyer, and 
had a great reputation for integrity. His manners 
were affable, but very dignified, as one to whom 
position could add very little. 

Personally he was a large, powerful, handsome 
man in whose face one saw the propensity to make 
large and intricate plans and carry them out in 
detail. Socially he was by no means as brilliant as 
Sumner. His conversation was apt and rather 
judicious, while Sumner's was an ever-flowing 
current of literary reminiscences. On seeing them 
together one would say that Chase rather had a 

170 



Cabinet Members and Army Officers 171 

regard for Sumner as a visionary, but had too much 
tact to confess it. 

In business, Chase was impervious. There 
never was a man's fall so cheered by his own sub- 
ordinates as was Chase's, when Lincoln removed 
him. He seemed never to have any friends — only 
admirers. There was a certain air of policy, per- 
ceptible behind his good humor that does not 
create affection. 

He was not without genuine good feeling. A 
certain treasury clerk — one of the old families, 
who had gone to Chase's school, but never could 
stoop to remind the Secretary of it — had grown old 
in the service of the department, and now, when 
the new currency was brought out, was detailed to 
sit up nights and cut the greenbacks from the rolls 
into notes. His eyesight being poor by gaslight, 
he clipped rather too far into the margin, and, the 
offense being reported, he was summarily dis- 
missed by the secretary, although he lived opposite 
Chase in Sixth Street, where his daughter was a 
visitor. The clerk, having a large family to support, 
sent a letter to Chase stating who he was, and the 
Secretary not only instantly revoked this dismissal 
but found time to write a charming note to his old 
pupil, apologizing for the injury and promoting 
him a step higher in the department. This act 
was attributed, wrongly, I think, to the daughter, 
for the Secretary had the queer luck among his 
subordinates of having all the good he did attri- 
buted to his daughter, and all the ill to himself. 



172 Episodes of the Civil War 

Indeed, this lady plays too prominent a part in 
our war to be overlooked. It is not rare, indeed, 
among the daughters of English noblemen, to 
find many who bear, at sight, the mark of generous 
breeding and who would assert their merit as well 
in a log cabin as in a palace. But in our Republic, 
where all are nurtured for a more general destiny, 
it would be difficult to find one more admirably 
fitted for her place than Miss Kate Chase. Her 
person was not preeminently beautiful. The nose 
too retrousse, the figure was too lithe, but that was 
balanced by a finely modeled head, large hazel 
eyes, a delicately cut mouth and chin, a graceful 
and dignified carriage, and a voice of great sweet- 
ness. The great charm of the lady lay doubtless 
in her conversation and in her ability to entertain 
men and women of the most diverse character — a 
quality nurtured, I hear, by presiding early at her 
father's table. Was there a tournament of wit, 
she was sure to say the best thing. Was the war 
the topic, she left the impression that no weakness 
in the character of any general or move in strategy 
had escaped her attention. Were politics talked 
about, she calculated chances, and fathomed the 
popular disposition as keenly as did James Gordon 
Bennett. Yet no idea of the blue-stocking or 
strong-minded was given. The modesty of the 
woman and the affection of the daughter remained 
paramount. 

Nevertheless, the house of Chase left an im- 
pression of politics in every part. The attitude, 



Cabinet Members and Army Officers 173 

the embroideries, the dogs seemed designed and 
posed. Her independence was seen by the follow- 
ing. It was the custom of the ladies in incoming 
Cabinets to make the first calls on the people of 
Washington. Miss Chase refused to make them. 
In spite of it when she gave a reception it was the 
most popular of the season. 

A lieutenant of cavalry was found a super- 
numerary and suddenly mustered out. She was 
applied to and sent to Mr. Stanton for a blank 
captain's commission. Mr. Stanton sent back a 
blank lieutenant's. She returned it saying she 
had sent for a captain's commission. The com- 
mission was sent and the captain mustered in. 
He was afterwards dismissed, but at her request, 
reinstated. 

There was a quiet dogmatic way of exercising 
patronage in this lady, which I never saw sur- 
passed, and I have no doubt many a general's 
star is owing to her favor. All this came from 
Mrs. Lincoln's want of the terrible power of beauty 
and brilliancy, which in Miss Chase, made her as 
much more courted than the President's wife as 
her father was more admired than the President. 

The admiration people felt for Chase has several 
prominent causes: 

1. Ability at Washington was a jewel just now. 

2 . The power to raise money was one that every 
one could appreciate, and which every one, hither- 
to vexed by the absence of change, felt. 

3. He was the only successful man in the war. 



174 Episodes of the Civil War 

Davis was still ahead of Lincoln and Siddons of 
Stanton. Memminger's system had collapsed, 
while Chase's was in triumphant operation, and 
his money good in the army and Wall Street. 

4. Chase showed tact. He seemed to have 
somehow persuaded the people that Lincoln was 
the body and he the brains of the Administration. 
He had many qualities such as manners, craft, 
polish, education in which Lincoln was inferior, 
but the main thing seemed to be that Abraham 
occupied the chair which Chase wanted to fill. 

Ambition was the man's bane, and flattery his 
weak point. It was generally thought a fine stroke 
in Lincoln to pigeonhole Chase in the office of 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. With Chase's 
credit for being real President and the precedence 
given his family in the Blue Room, it was about 
time that Lincoln reasserted himself. 

Montgomery Blair, Postmaster-General, was a 
tall, sandy-haired gentleman, who cultivated the 
homespun Thomas Jefferson style in dress, and 
the candid in manner. His eyes had a keen, sharp, 
gray look and denoted a restless disposition, but 
the other part of his face was marked with good 
nature and geniality. He was of great assistance 
to me in keeping the run of Secessionists in 
Georgetown. He made a detective out of his 
negro, and had hunted up some arms that were 
going to Dixie from Georgetown. His sentiments 
were as extremely Union as if he were afraid of 



Cabinet Members and Army Officers 175 

being constantly suspected of the opposite. His 
Secession relatives gave me more trouble than all 
others in the military district. 

After his ouster I saw him send in his card to 
Assistant Secretary Dana, who had no time to 
see him. What a fall was there! 

The business which the State Department had 
to transact with me was carried on through 
Webster, afterwards famous in the Impeachment 
Trial, and Mr. Frederick Seward. Webster 
used to act in connection with our detectives 
in discovering the movements of suspected 
Southerners. 

Secretary Seward had a body slender, shoulders 
slanting like an Englishman, neck long, arms 
and hands thin and wiry, lips thin, and a head 
of bushy white hair. His manner was that of a 
refined New York criminal lawyer enacting Riche- 
lieu, his air that of a man who has read books 
all his life and would rather have it believed he 
has read nothing but men. One would have said 
that the man's natural career lay in philosophy, 
belles-lettres, or art in the quiet shade of a col- 
lege, but that the intrigues of Albany had made 
him knowing and subtle but neither wise nor 
practical. The great service he was doing and has 
done was in persistently saying that the Rebellion 
would come and would be put down — no matter 
if he erred about the date. The historic confidence 
was nevertheless contagious. 



176 Episodes of the Civil War 

There was in Washington at that time a gentle- 
man who considered it his bounden duty to show 
the American people that they were worshiping 
a humbug, in the person of McClellan. Count 
Adam Gurowski was a bundle of extravagances and 
contradictions. With the best blood of Europe in 
his veins, once the companion of Napoleon and 
Kossuth, he was now a $400 clerk in the State 
Department, by charity of Mr. Seward, where his 
business was to cut slips out of the foreign files, 
paste them on one sheet and lay them before his 
chief. A failure in politics, he pronounced 
dogmatic decrees on the future of America. He 
and Wadsworth were great "cronies." Indeed his 
conversation, from his vast fund of learning and 
personal experience and its application to our 
present affairs, was very interesting. There was 
such great lack of positive opinion that this gentle- 
man, either at Willard's, or in the government 
offices, never failed to draw a crowd. His general 
topic was the "imbecility" of Lincoln and Seward 
and the supreme necessity of sending McClellan 
home. It was something at that time to hear a 
man speak his mind freely. 

HALLECK 

As heretofore stated, the custom was to direct 
officers found drunk and disorderly at Washington 
to report themselves under arrest to me. Most of 
them obeyed, and that was generally the end of the 
matter, unless the offense was repeated. 



Cabinet Members and Army Officers 177 

Many however did not obey, but went away 
without reporting, having given a false name and 
regiment. That was put a stop to by the officer 
of the guard obHging officers found in that condi- 
tion either to have themselves identified, by their 
hotel register or otherwise. Nevertheless, no pre- 
caution and no amount of severity seemed able to 
prevent scenes of drunkenness and disorder that 
shamed the whole army, until I was instructed to 
send all officers found in this way to Halleck, the 
General-in-Chief of the Armies, for dismissal. This 
brought me occasionally to Halleck 's headquarters. 
I know of no instance in which he dismissed an 
officer for such conduct unless the facts were 
supported by the affidavits of the arresting officers. 

I take his endorsement from the case of a cap- 
tain of the 98th Pennsylvania Volunteers and a 
lieutenant of the District of Columbia Volunteers, 
charged with being drunk and disorderly in the 
street, for an example: 

"It is not necessary to bring these officers to 
trial before a court-martial, but I wish an affi- 
davit made as to the facts, and will then properly 
dispose of them." 

Once in a while, officers requested to be dis- 
missed, as in this instance. 

Philadelphia, Sept. 30, 1862. 
Dear Sir: 

Thinking it better that I should leave your regi- 
ment, I write to inform you I am in this city and you 



178 Episodes of the Civil War 

will please report me absent without leave and dismiss 
me from the service that I feel I cannot longer serve 
in justice to you and myself. 

I am dear Sir, your obliged and humble servant. 

Upon this was endorsed by Halleck : 

Washington, Oct. 12, 1862. 
Respectfully referred to the Provost Marshal who 
will detail an officer to go to-day to Philadelphia, 
to arrest this officer and bring him to this city for 
close confinement. 

In person, Halleck was of the medium height, 
inclined to fatness, with a double chin, bald fore- 
head, and small busy eyes, twinkling under up- 
lifted eyebrows. His carriage and dress were 
somewhat ungainly and bespoke a solid citizen 
rather than the active soldier. He walked gener- 
ally with his hands behind his back or in his 
trousers pockets, slightly stooping, in an appar- 
ently meditative attitude, but the incessant 
activity of his eyes showed much wariness and 
circumspection. His address was open, direct, 
almost surly; his words pithy, few, and to the 
point. He abhorred circumlocution, introductions, 
and prefaces. He would anticipate what you had 
to say, and decide before you were half through. 
Affectation of either humility or greatness he had 
none whatsoever. He was just General-in-Chief, 
no more — no less ; that he knew and felt, and made 
you know and feel. There was no use trying 



Cabinet Members and Army Officers 179 

treachery or flattery here. There were a chair and 
a cigar at your disposal, if you had business and 
enough time — if none, not one second. 

The role this person had to play was a difficult 
one. He was the home director of military opera- 
tions in the field. In being that alone, he occupied 
the most unpopular post known in the history of 
war ; for to such a power, whether it be a cabinet or 
Aulic Council, is always ascribed the failures; the 
victories go to him who is on the spot. But more 
than that the commander in the field had been 
deprived of his third star and it had been conferred 
on Halleck, and he as well as the army which he 
commanded believed he had been unjustly de- 
graded. So he started with an army which con- 
sidered its success under Halleck as its own failure ; 
its failure under Halleck, the best proof of its 
ability without him to succeed. Such a false 
position could only be carried through by either 
vigorous support of his own superior, or by the 
weight of his personal reputation as a soldier. He 
had neither — sufficiently. Authorship of a book 
on war and the conduct of a suspended siege were 
little to weigh against a powerful, jealous, idolized, 
and indignant young chief in the field, while the 
facility with which the President listened to 
direct criticisms by subordinates of the army 
and the self-willed way in which Stanton adopted 
or rejected his suggestions took from his orders 
that absoluteness which means certainty that they 
cannot be changed, which is the essence of the 



i8o Episodes of the Civil War 

military code. In simple truth, the force of 
Halleck's position lay altogether in the superiority 
of three stars over two. Such a relation could not 
last long. The success, even through insubordina- 
tion, of the field commander would have ended 
Halleck's career. But the failure, through in- 
subordination, of the field commander, and the 
breaking down of the regular aristocracy by 
Stanton, which followed right afterwards, re- 
dounded to the glory of Halleck. This really was 
no proof of Halleck's ability, it was only proof of 
the other's incompetency, and while it fortified 
his position could not prevent his own powers 
from being gradually but surely absorbed by suc- 
cessful field commanders, until they were event- 
ually merged in the supreme success of Grant. 
Halleck's favorite resort for meditation was 
Lafayette Square. Here, every fair night, he could 
be seen w^andering under the pines, either alone, 
meditating, or arm in arm with some general officer, 
talking over the affairs of the army. 

One night, as he thus sauntered alone, the keeper 
of the gates, as usual, locked the gates at ten 
o'clock, but the general meditated and strolled on, 
unconscious of time. When he came to one gate it 
was locked. He hurried to the other. It was 
locked also. Not a soul on the street. What was 
to be done? To scream would be ridiculous. To 
climb over the fence impossible. To sleep on a 
bench — what a position for a General-in-Chief! 
Luckily a private of a Massachusetts regiment on 



Cabinet Members and Army Officers i8i 

duty in my office came along, and was in the same 
predicament. The general let the private mount 
on his back and scale the iron palings. He was 
over, — succeeded in waking the keeper, and the 
director of the Armies of the Republic was again 
free. Halleck took care of this young soldier ever 
afterwards. 

MCCLELLAN (THE ENGINEER, ETC.) 

The engineer, a very "natty" officer, a regular 
of the Regulars, a "big little man, " as our Western 
troops call him, with broad shoulders and sandy 
mustache and hair inclined to red, but brown at 
a distance, a gentleman whose entire person is 
copied over and over by inferiors; the treble 
force of bootblacks at Willard's; the polished 
stirrups, the clean collar visible above the waist- 
coat, the general air of dandyism or precision were 
all McClellan's influence. Before him we had dirt 
and affectation of dirt ; militia, obedience by favor, 
"trainings," and tactics at discretion. We had, 
now, instead, drill, discipline, polish, organization, 
and routine, clean boots and an esprit de corps. All 
this was delightful — this fine, melted mass had a 
mold and was gradually chilling into its shape. 
This is a plain merit. He promulgated Washing- 
ton's order against Sabbath breaking. That 
satisfied our religiously minded. He had seen 
Sebastopol during the siege. That looked like 
experience. He had been successful in West Vir- 



1 82 Episodes of the Civil War 

ginia — that was luck or ability, equally needed. 
Yet there were some hardy enough to say he was 
not the man. Why? The answer is, the rise is 
too sudden. 

This much then is sure: his part in the war 
was to change citizens into soldiers, — a vast and 
motley multitude of individualities into a ma- 
chine, and to fortify Washington. This he did ex- 
cellently well. No other general that succeeded him 
can claim that work of genius; it is his entirely. 
And he succeeded because he was himself that 
which he made others — a man of formulas and 
routine, — nothing if not West Point; capable of 
everything that mathematics could do, nothing 
beyond. 

That is to say, a certain element that generals, 
in time past, have had essentially: combativeness, 
— the fighting propensity that carried Bliicher 
into the midst of bullets — the bulldog nature, was 
not here. Not that he lacked personal courage, 
not that he was ignorant of how people do fight, 
but that he could not be coaxed to fight without 
trouble, and after he was fighting had rather stop 
than go on for the pure love of it. This goes by 
different names: "incompetency," "timidity," 
"over-caution," "hesitation"; West Point cannot 
teach it. It is only — non-combativeness. Again, 
there was beyond this man of mathematics nothing 
but mathematics in war. A war of opinion — the 
sublime spectacle of an uprising in favor of an 
opinion, — the moral forces of freedom operating 



Cabinet Members and Army Officers 183 

in conjunction with the army and supporting it, — 
the changes made by war in popular and political 
opinion — these were not taught at West Point, 
and were beyond him. He understood other men 
of mathematics very well, also the volunteers as 
soon as they had grown mathematical, but the 
rest — independent owners of opinion — these were 
riddles. This want went by the name of ' ' Southern 
Sympathy," "Democratic Training," " Conser- 
vatism." It was really West Point mathematics. 

The army organized, Washington fortified, 
McClellan had really played his part. To ask him 
further to go and lead the army to Richmond was 
unreasonable. To demand fight from a man who 
would rather not, to insist that he heed the grow- 
ing opinions of the country, to a m.an whose opinions 
could not grow, — this was to require of the man 
what was not in him. There are certain sure effects 
of such unreasonable requests. You will get out 
of him only what is there — mathematics — or 
"strategy." If you force him, so much the worse; 
he will only strategize more vigorously and on a 
grander scale. The big blows he will not strike, 
the unyielding grip he cannot take. If you con- 
front him with political opinions you frighten him. 
He gathers around him all the other mathemati- 
cians to defend themselves against such military 
heresies as waging war for the carrying out of 
political opinions, and against all powers that 
would disarrange mathematics by opinions. 
Worried, he grows first insolent, then stubborn, 



184 Episodes of the Civil War 

then finds companions in stubbornness, and finally 
is insubordinate — all because you try to extort 
from him what he never had. 

Thus the army, made mathematical, pitied and 
deplored its father; the people, the holders of 
Union opinion in the North, believed he was 
against them when he was against all opinions, and 
believed he did not want to fight, when he could 
not do it for the life of him, except behind intrench- 
ments. 

I repeat his work was done in March, 1862. 
Nothing remained fit for his talent except to de- 
fend, under Lincoln's eye, the fortifications he 
created. 

That is not to say that the occasion, the species 
of war, could never arrive in which McClellan 
would shine preeminently great. The pet inclina- 
tion of the engineer to spade and siege-guns, and 
horror of a sudden assault before the enemy has 
time to fortify, which so marked McClellan 's 
campaigns, is the very trait which, in the English 
camp at Sebastopol, where McClellan learned his 
practical lessons, was an immense fault in Sir 
John Burgoyne, the engineer of the Allies, the 
attacking forces; but the same trait, which in 
Todleben, the Russian engineer, brought out, in 
conjunction with Korniloff, the most admirable 
defense of modern times. 

What McClellan could do in a defensive war in 
conjunction with a commander whose soul was 
enthusiastic in the cause, within the walls of a 



Cabinet Members and Army Officers 185 

besieged city, when his mathematics could have 
free play, can of course only be conjectured. If 
the defensive works of Washington City are to be 
the test, I cannot doubt that he would have been, 
under such circumstances, admirably fitted for the 
post. I have thought that McClellan felt this 
himself, and waited the long winter of 1861-62 
inside his defenses, in the hope that Beauregard and 
Lee would attack him and turn the war into the 
channel best suited for him — the siege of Wash- 
ington and defense of fortifications. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE CAMPAIGN ENDING WITH 
CHANCELLORSVILLE 

It is the month of March, 1863. The Army of 
the Potomac is lying between the Potomac and 
Rappahannock with its base of suppHes at Aquia 
Creek, its left resting on Belle Plain, its center on 
Falmouth, and its right on Stafford Court House. 
Its picket line runs from Banks's Ford on the ex- 
treme left to Stafford Court House on the extreme 
right. 

Lee is at Fredericksburg, occupying the line of the 
Rappahannock. On his right, the Rappahannock 
grows wider and harder to cross ; on his left, as you 
near its source, it grows narrower and f ordable. The 
first ford on the left is Banks's — twelve miles from 
Falmouth. The next ford, six miles farther up, is 
U. S. The next, twenty miles farther, is Kellys 
Ford. The next, two miles above, is Rappa- 
hannock Station, and two miles above that is 
Beverly Ford. 

Lee is connected with Richmond by the Rich- 
mond, Fredericksburg, and Potomac R. R. ; the 
Orange and Alexandria R. R. also connects him 
with Richmond by means of the Chancellorsville 

186 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 187 

Plank Road, which connects with this road at 
Orange Court House. 

Hooker maneuvers in three ways: (i) a direct 
attack on Fredericksburg; (2) a flank movement 
below Fredericksburg; (3) a flank movement via 
one of the fords above Fredericksburg. 

The first had failed under Burnside. 

The second is not feasible, not only on ace unt of 
the width of the river, but because it uncovers the 
capital and allows Lee to swing by his left into 
Pennsylvania. 

The third is a flank movement via one of the 
upper fords on Lee's left, accompanied by an 
attack on Lee's right by Sedgwick and a raid by 
Stoneman in his rear to cut his communications. 

In selecting the ford proper for crossing, he had 
first: Banks's, too near to deceive Lee; U. S. with 
an objectionable wilderness on the other side; 
Kelly s or Beverly with an admirable battlefield 
across the river. 

In detaching Sedgwick, he divided his forces 
and ran the risk of being beaten in detail. 

In sending Stoneman around to cut communica- 
tions, it was essential he should cut the Orange 
and Alexandria Court House and the Richmond 
and Fredericksburg beyond Orange Court House 
Junction and drive the enemy back, otherwise 
there was no sense in it. 

Having the choice of battle-ground, and having 
decided to break his columns in two, it is to be 
supposed he will, no matter at which ford he 



1 88 Episodes of the Civil War 

crosses, finally dispose the flanking column in 
such a way as to be near the column at Fredericks- 
burg, and be able to cooperate with it. This is 
of the utmost moment should Sedgwick be un- 
successful. If unsuccessful, then the connection 
should also be quickly made. If there be, as there 
is, at Banks's Ford (the one nearest Sedgwick) on 
the south side of the Rappahannock, a wide and 
spacious open country, which admits of a battle 
and commands the two railroads, then it seems rea- 
sonable he should, whether he crosses at Beverly, 
Kelly s, or U. S., move down as far as he can, 
throw his pontoons across in his rear, and wait for 
the action of Sedgwick and Stoneman. He gains 
by this : concentration of his forces, keeps his army 
out of the woods, and has, in the high ground on 
the southern bank of the ford, an admirable point 
for guarding his pontoons with artillery in case of 
a freshet. He has the same power over the plank 
road that he has at Chancellorsville, and in addi- 
tion can use his cavalry. 

If he halts at the edge of the wilderness he at 
once says good-bye to his cavalry, neutralizes 
his artillery in the woods, and throws his infantry 
on the defensive, for while the edge of a forest 
offers a natural intrenchment to infantry and 
artillery, every man and gun having its own cover 
in a tree, and the darkness hiding the columns from 
the enemy, the disposition of infantry in the midst 
of a tangled wilderness where they see nothing 
before them except a mysterious gloom, nothing 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 189 

behind of their supports, fills the imagination of 
the soldiers with vague apprehensions of danger; 
they insensibly and unconsciously intrench, and 
the minute they do that, they feel on the defensive, 
and all hope of a spirited advance is gone. Chop 
down these woods in front, or lead them through 
to the edge and they will rush into action with a 
shout. 

Politics, the season, the condition of the troops, 
call for an advance. The nine months' regiments 
will be mustered out on the first of May. The 
spring is early here and trees are budding. The 
Emancipation Proclamation has given a new im- 
petus to the war. The unsuccessful McClellan, 
Pope, and Burnside have given place to the dash- 
ing, sanguine Hooker. 

The country remembers Fredericksburg and is 
waiting for an advance and it is time it was made. 
The unfriendly party North is growing bolder and 
more defiant from its fall successes. Something 
must be done and soon. 

Potomac Creek, Va., March lyth. The first time 
in this war our cavalry has met the Rebel cavalry 
and whipped them in a fair fight. Yesterday at 
dawn Averill's division crossed at Kellys Ford, 
met Fitzhugh Lee on the other side, and thrashed 
them soundly. My Adjutant McBride was shot 
through the lungs. The Rebels could not stand 
the charges of our cavalry. The moment our 
squadrons advanced, theirs broke and scattered. 
It looks as if they felt that their prestige was 



190 Episodes of the Civil War 

gone. The spirits of our men never were as good 
as they are now. We have just arrived again at 
our old quarters at Potomac Creek. More, doubt- 
less, will be expected of us than hitherto. If we 
can cross at Kellys Ford, why not the whole 
army? 

Potomac Creek, April ist. Our division has 
made another attempt to cross the Rappahannock. 
This time at Beverly Ford. We first advanced on 
Rappahannock Station, found it entrenched, retired 
to Elk River, and tried Beverly, two miles farther 
up. A river, a canal on the other side, earthworks 
beyond, and artillery in the woods above, forbade 
any attempt. They shelled us before we attacked. 
We return baffled to our camps. 

Potomac Creek, April i6th. President Lincoln 
to-day reviewed the army. The day was rainy and 
dismal, with an occasional glimpse of sunshine. 
The general conjecture is that this review forbodes 
a great battle, and Mr. Lincoln and General 
Hooker want to satisfy themselves about the 
condition and size of the army. Speaking only for 
the Cavalry Corps, I think they have reason to be 
satisfied. The morale of our division, which has 
fought the only victory hitherto achieved on the 
Rappahannock, is high. It is not lowered when we 
see Averill prancing along the line with Mr. Lincoln 
and staff, and apparently in favor at headquarters. 

Lincoln rides a dapple-gray horse, and is con- 
spicuous for his black citizen's dress and the fear- 
ful manner in which his horse jolts him up and 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 191 

down. Our men would have preferred a closer 
inspection so as to let it be observed how excellently 
well they were uniformed, mounted, and equipped, 
having even gone to the expense of sending to 
Aquia Creek for white linen gloves. We have the 
chance later in the afternoon, when we pass in 
columns of squadrons before the President who is 
seated on horseback next to General Hooker. 
The farce of the inspection appears when we are 
obliged to ride through a deep mud pond or slough 
just before we come to the reviewing officers, and 
remark that our citizen commander-in-chief often 
bows to the sergeant in charge of the pioneers who 
rides first in a cavalry regiment, mistaking him 
for the commander of the regiment — an error he 
would correct on its being pointed out by the 
general. I noticed a number of ladies of my 
acquaintance from Washington about Mr. Lincoln. 
The display of men and arms is certainly marvel- 
ously great. 

Monday, April zyih. 
We start at 10 'oclock in the evening for the south 
and finally reach Kellys Ford in the morn- 
ing. We are dismounted on the slope on the 
right of the ford and to our astonishment see the 
red breeches of Zouaves, and the various corps of 
the Army of the Potomac, some dotting the fields 
south of the Ford, in squares like a checkerboard, 
others crossing by a pontoon bridge. The infantry 
appears now to halt for the cavalry to precede it. 



192 Episodes of the Civil War 

By three o'clock we are across, but instead of halt- 
ing, we continue to advance up the road — the Cul- 
peper Turnpike, which runs to the right of the 
ford — the road to the left, which the infantry ap- 
pears to be leaning towards, running towards 
Chancellorsville. We have scarcely advanced a 
mile when we are ordered into line of battle. 
Stoneman comes up, a consultation is held, the 
order is given to charge, and we move in line of 
battle into the woods. They receive us with ar- 
tillery and carbine firing. It is evidently Fitz- 
hugh Lee's Cavalry rear-guard. By nightfall we 
have cleared them out of the woods but sleep on 
our arms, in the open field beyond. 

Tuesday, April 28th. 
Day arrives. No sign of the rear-guard. 
They vanished during the night. We have scarcely 
time to feed when the entire division of Averill 
moves in line of battle, each regiment being in 
column of squadrons, and being preceded by a 
triple line of skirmishers march towards Culpeper, 
in hot pursuit. The line being over a mile in 
length is with difficulty kept up. As we near 
Culpeper the skirmish line reports the Rebels 
just ahead. We trot, and at noon enter Culpeper 
like a whirlwind (the negroes tell us the graybacks 
have just passed five hundred to five thousand 
strong, according as they have judgment of 
numbers), and our skirmish line just reaches the 
hill beyond the town as the last Rebel horseman 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 193 

disappears on the Richmond Road. Our men 
rifle the stores and load themselves with hams, 
honey, and Lynchburg tobacco. It is the first 
visit of Union troops to Culpeper since Banks's 
retreat. 

We press on toward the Rapidan still following 
the line of the Orange and Alexandria R. R. 

Halting to rest in the afternoon, below Cedar 
Mountain, we find ourselves among the bones of 
the dead of the battle of Cedar Mountain, which 
had been here rooted out of the low trenches in 
which they had been hastily interred. No inspirit- 
ing sight on the advance, especially as the weather 
is rainy, and the sides of the mountain look like a 
natural point fitted for the Rebels to make a stand, 
and attack us in flank as we pass along the base. 

Night comes and we push forward more rapidly. 
Nine o'clock and no halt. Ten o'clock and no 
halt. Eleven o'clock and we are said to be nearing 
the Rapidan River and halt. My regiment is 
ordered on picket and swears loudly as only cav- 
alrymen, — hungry, sleepy, and in an unknown 
country at night can swear, when ordered on 
further duty. 

Wednesday, April 2gth. 
Morning breaks hot and sultry like June. We 
climb an eminence near and see the Rapidan 
apparently strongly fortified on the south side. 
The orders are to keep the horses saddled and 
bridled — that most excruciating torture to animals. 
13 



194 Episodes of the Civil War 

Thursday, April joth. 
No advance. Horses saddled and bridled. 
Forage beginning to give out. It is reported that 
some of our men have burnt up a locomotive and 
some cars and torn up the track. 

Friday, May ist. 
Orders to slacken girths, but allow no horse to 
be unsaddled or unpacked. Our men forage and 
lay in corn for one day's feed. 

Saturday, May 2d. 

We start early to retrace our steps toward the 
Rappahannock, this time leaning east in the 
direction of he mouth of the river, where it empties 
into the Rappahannock, marching at a pace that 
is increased every hour. The early spring wheat is 
out in blades three inches long, and in the after- 
noon we halt and graze in a fine field. Our entire 
division of horses allowed to run loose is a queer 
spectacle, while Averill sits on the porch of the 
mansion overlooking the rambling horses. 

Again we advance, pressing vigorously towards 
the mouth of the Rapidan. Horses are beginning 
to feel the effects of the heavy saddles, and without 
forage many of them give out and die by the road- 
side. By night we near the heights above Ely's 
Ford. A scene like a picture of hell lies below us. 
As far as the horizon is visible are innumerable 
fires from burning woods, volumes of black smoke 
covering the sky, cannons belching in continuous 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 195 

and monotonous roar; and the harsh, quick rattHng 
of infantry firing is heard nearer at hand. It is 
the Army of the Potomac, on the south of the 
Rappahannock, engaged at night in a burning 
forest. At our feet artillery and cavalry are mixed 
up, jammed, officers swearing, men straggling, 
horses expiring. But we are extricated and weary 
and seek camp on a beautiful green slope reaching 
down to the river, which here is scarcely twenty 
yards wide. Exhausted by the terrific march, 
men and horses receive with joy the order to 
unsaddle, unpack, and make ourselves generally 
comfortable. Everything is stripped off in con- 
fusion; we feel the raid is over and infantry and 
artillery are now to do the work. We build bon- 
fires, eat and drink and fall into that hard sleep 
the cavalryman has, when he throws off the 
dangers and hardships of a week for ease and 
security, the fires burning high and making the 
slope as light as day. At eleven a peal is heard as 
if lightning had come out of the clear heaven and 
struck us; a close and continued volley of mus- 
ketry not more than thirty yards south of us. We 
start out of our dreams to see the spark of the 
embers scattering with the rain of bullets aimed at 
them beyond from the wooded eminence; south 
of us and across the river a long line of fire from the 
assailing party. Instantly the horses break their 
ropes and stampede; the men grab carbines and 
hurry down to the bank, so as to be out of range 
of the fires, and fire back. The firing ceases as 



196 Episodes of the Civil War 

suddenly as it began, having lasted ten minutes. 
We were greatly surprised but suppose it was our 
own men firing on us by mistake, and are indignant 
at Averill for leaving the woods unpicketed. The 
rest of the night is s;ent hunting horses. Many 
were wounded in the limbs; only one killed, a 
private who was kneeling, saying his prayers, and 
by that act, threw himself in range. It would be 
strange any escaped this murderous fire if infantry 
were not always given to firing too high. 

Potomac Creek Station, May 5, 1863. 

The great battle has been fought in the woods of 
Chancellorsville and we are again just where we 
started. 

Two weeks ago our entire corps moved out on 
the old beaten Hartwood Church Road, which 
runs almost parallel with the Upper Rappahannock, 
but this time instead of turning to our left for some 
of the fords, we swing to our right following the 
line of the Orange and Alexandria R. R. as far as 
Warrenton Junction. We are in perplexity about 
this movement, supposing we are marching to 
intercept another of Stuart's raids into Pennsyl- 
vania and are to cover Washington. The purpose 
is plain when we reach Warrenton Junction and 
find the locomotive and cars unloading hay and 
commissary stores. We now conclude that we 
were brought here to get supplies for a raid on 
Culpeper as well as to deceive Lee as to the 
movements of the infantry. 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 197 

Sunday, May 3d — Near the Phillips House. 

This morning I crossed the Rapidan to see what 
had become of the night attack, with instructions 
to penetrate one mile. Found marks of blood and 
scattered arms. Met a squatter who told me a 
brigade of Alabama Infantry had seen our fires 
and given us the ambuscade. Six of them were 
badly wounded by our fire. Penetrated to the 
Plank Road, ran into a cavalry picket, shot at him, 
and returned and reported to Averill. There is 
nothing but dense woods all the way from Ely's 
Ford to the Plank Road. I judged the enemy 
held the Plank Road at this point. Left Ely's 
Ford at noon, made the connection with the in- 
fantry of the extreme right, and marched by the 
road facing the enemy, along the interior line to 
Hooker's headquarters. 

When we arrive, the Rebels are making their 
third attack on our right, and Berry, Williams, 
Whipple, and Birney are engaged. The great 
battle, however, has been fought. It only remains 
to describe what the field was like and what we 
hear of the past. Any description of the ground 
will be unintelligible to one who has never been in 
burning woods. The timber here is chiefly white 
oak, almost impassable by infantry, utterly im- 
pervious to artillery and cavalry except in rare 
open patches. Whether from the firing or from 
the camp-fires of the troops made in cooking 
coffee, the greater part of the undergrowth beyond 
our line is on fire and in many places the trees are 



198 Episodes of the Civil War 

slowly blazing to the top. Where the fires have 
retreated or gone out, a thick smoke has settled 
among the charred brush and is exuding from 
every object it has touched. Where it is still 
raging, the heat, added to the hot temperature of 
the day, renders breathing almost impossible. As 
we march along on horseback, our eyes and nos- 
trils are filled with smoke so that we can scarcely 
see or breathe. On each side of the road are 
intermingled the dead, wounded, and living, all of 
them blackened either by the smoke and powder 
or in the usual way of death by gunshot wounds; 
only occasionally one dead man whose calm face 
looks white and still. The endless stretcher, the 
continual ambulance meets you, both moving 
quietly; once in a while a group hanging over 
some popular officer who has just received his 
shell or minie ball. Besides the usual noise of an 
engagement it is surprising to see how still and 
quiet the soldiers are. There is none of the hope- 
less ardor of an advance, but instead on every 
face a sullen determination, not unmixed with 
vague apprehensions of fear; as if there were im- 
pending some mysterious source of terror, which no 
one could define. Here and there you see a sharp 
action, — what would be in the cavalry corps a heavy 
engagement; at another point, the spade and 
pick busy throwing up intrenchments, and the 
officers peering wistfully into the vistas of thick- 
ness in front ; at another, nothing except the scrub 
oak slowly snapping and crackling in the fire. 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 199 

For a while the scene looks like a spring ride 
through qmet shades, while ever and anon the 
earth seems to scream with mingled musketry and 
artillery and the shrill cheering of the combatants ; 
and if, here and there, you see an opening in the 
trees and a scrap of sky promises to be mingled 
with the tumult, you find it dotted with the round 
white clouds, the smoke of exploded shells. Then 
again comes the painful pause only to be broken 
by the same horrid din; — all this which you feel 
by reason of the woods, the fire, the smothered 
reverberations of sound, choked, smothered, 
paralyzed, as if this were a place made expressly 
for Rebels, but not for Union men to fight in. 

This Army of the Potomac, the brilliant host 
which Lincoln reviewed, it is plainly to be seen, is 
beaten and demoralized. Not demoralized only 
because it is beaten, but before it was beaten by 
the Wilderness. It is admitted at all hands that 
in the previous night, Stonewall Jackson utterly 
routed the nth Corps under Howard, Von Stein- 
wehr, Schurz, and Von Gilsa, and that the latter 
had fled back to the the U. S. Ford; that Sickles, 
Berry, and Hooker saved our right wing; that at 
midnight the enemy retired; that this morning 
at five the enemy came from the west along the 
turnpike, forcing us gradually back until 10 o'clock 
when they retired. The men of the nth tell us 
they were stationed some six, some twelve, feet 
apart while Jackson's column was massed and at- 
tacked with unheard-of fury, marching in regimen- 



200 Episodes of the Civil War 

tal front right into the mouth of our guard. They 
believe the Rebels put powder in their whiskey 
before making an attack, they threw away their 
lives so recklessly. Von Steinwehr says he knows 
neither what is in front, in rear, or on either side 
of him. Birney says he knows no topography in 
this wilderness. 

The rebel fire is gradually diminishing to picket 
shots alternating with occasional discharges of 
platoons. Most are apprehensive of another 
attack and think it will, if made, be apt to finish 
us. No one wants to do any more fighting here if 
it can be helped — anywhere else, only not in 
these mournful forests. 

At the Phillips House, the woods end, and we 
suddenly enter a wide plain in which we are 
massed with a vast park of artillery and cavalry 
intended to cover the communications with the 
ford. 

In the rear of these is the ford, and beyond that, 
on high wooded ground above, the hospital and 
baggage trains of the army. While we are resting 
here a rumor spreads that Stoneman and Averill 
have been relieved and ordered to report at Wash- 
ington, and that Pleasanton is in command. "Who 
is Pleasanton?" is the general inquiry. 

This explains a strange sight we saw on our road 
behind the extreme right. Averill was sitting 
alongside the road, under a shelter tent, quite 
alone, and with his head resting on his hand, 
seemingly dejected. It looked then as if he had 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 201 

been relieved. His humiliation at being abandoned 
on the march like a condemned cavalry horse, to 
be criticized by his poorest orderly, must have 
been extreme, but what is the destiny of one man 
in comparison with the onward march of an 
impetuous Republic! Our regret at parting with 
an officer who had shed so much luster on our 
army before this last march and who was in fact 
very careful about exposing his men, was keen 
but a little moderated by the ambuscade of last 
night. What was his offense? Rumors stated 
that he had not obeyed orders to return as soon as 
he should. That is horrible, as we spent half a day 
at Ely's Ford reconnoitering and three days at 
Rapidan doing nothing. Another rumor is that 
he was ordered to proceed as far as Orange Court 
House and to seize the junction of the rail and 
plank roads, which he did not do. 

Soon we are ordered to camp in regimental front 
in rear of the 1 1 th Corps and to fire on every- 
thing that approaches us in front, whether friend 
or foe. We do so but, with exception of skirmishes, 
nothing is done in front. 

We now hear that Hooker was wounded and 
that he was drunk, again that Sedgwick has again 
captured Fredericksburg and was on his way to 
join us. 

This night is most pleasant in comparison with 
those of a week before. We are in the midst of 
our army, and not a small division, camping in 
anxiety one hundred miles in the enemy's rear. 



202 Episodes of the Civil War 

You can allow your horses to graze, and wrap 
yourself peacefully in your blanket, for before you 
can be attacked, a long line of infantry must be 
broken. Here is tobacco, the soldier's solace, 
and rations, and the river for your horse to drink. 

Monday, May 4th. 

This morning we are awakened by the familiar 
shell, but it seems rather near. A battery is 
evidently occupying the high ground in front of 
us, and throwing shells over our little plain, upon 
the baggage train and hospitals. They continue 
to shriek in the clear May morning and we wonder 
why it is not silenced. Soon a cavalry regiment 
is ordered out, charges and captures it. 

Before long we receive orders to fall back upon 
the heights on U. S. Ford. I am placed in com- 
mand of the 2d Cavalry Brigade. The guards at 
the ford drive back great numbers of stragglers. 
Officers too are seen among them, with dejected 
faces, as if they cared little for dishonor, but much 
for life. 

The weak point of our position is plainly not 
alone the possible rise in the river, but also the 
extremely precipitous bank on the north of the 
ford. First as you land north is an acre or two 
of flat, sandy deposit, on which a few regiments 
can be formed, but as you begin to climb up you 
find a miserably constructed winding corduroy 
road, passable only by a single horseman at a time, 
and that with the greatest risk of rolling down back- 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 203 

wards. Certainly this defile would, in case of an 
attack n flank and sudden retreat, be found too 
narrow, and the army liable to be cut to pieces 
while forcing itself upwards towards the crest be- 
yond. I was not sorry when we gained the open 
Falmouth Road out of the treacherous river 
bottom. 

Tuesday, May 5th. 
Last night at two we were ordered to ride to 
Fredericksburg via Falmouth and intercept a 
body of Lee's cavalry reported to be tearing up 
the railroad between Falmouth and Aquia Creek, 
and severing our connection with our base. We 
pass thither, part of the way over the corduroy 
road made by Hooker, but find no troops to inter- 
cept. Fredericksburg captured again by Sedg- 
wick is again in the enemy's hands and they shell 
us as they see us, hiding in a hollow opposite the 
city. A heavy rain this night. 

Wednesday, May 6th. 
In the middle of a great rain, which sometimes 
hid the road, we left Fredericksburg and at six this 
evening inhabit our old log huts and tents, which 
we had hoped to have abandoned forever, seeing 
no difference before and after the battle, except in 
the long rows of hospital tents which now whiten 
the fields from Aquia to Potomac Creek, the num- 
ber of missing and dismounted men, and the big 
corrals of sore-backed mules. 



204 Episodes of the Civil War 

Of the cavalry, and the part it took in this 
battle, may be said what was said of Cardigan's 
charge "C'est magnifique, mais c'nest pas la 
Guerre!'' Stoneman's raid and Kilpatrick's dash 
to within the fortifications of Richmond were fine 
things, considered by themselves, and could have 
been made to contribute to the final victory had 
Hooker stayed where he was on the south of the 
Rappahannock. As he came north again, the 
value of the cavalry operations reduced itself to 
the value of the property destroyed and the 
encouragement with which it inspired the entire 
corps — a flower that bore fruit in the next cam- 
paign. 

As for the infantry, it doubtless fought gallantly 
as it did always, but here under the most dis- 
advantageous circumstances. Nevertheless it 
achieved a success, not alone in the death of 
Stonewall Jackson, but practically and immedi- 
ately by executing a flank movement and holding 
it for three days. Was there any reason why the 
army should have abandoned the position it had 
won? That the dispiriting nature of the woods 
was no good reason for retiring, though it might 
have been an excellent reason for refusing to offer 
battle there, is proved by the later actions of 
Grant in the Wilderness. 

The great rain and rise in the river did not occur 
until the army was partly across and could not 
have been the cause of retreat. Sedgwick retired 
by Bank's Ford because we drove him across 



The Chancellorsville Campaign 205 

before he made the connection with Hooker's 
left wing. 

My impression is that the cause will be found 
partly in Hooker's nature. He was a cavalryman, 
prompt to advance and prompt to retreat when his 
command was demoralized, and handled the army 
as he would a cavalry division out on a recon- 
naissance. 

This was no position, being on the enemy's 
flank, to maintain with security. Hooker was too 
far from his base and liable at any time to see 
Lee between himself and Washington. It could 
only have been tenable after defeat in case he had 
turned Lee's right wing, compelled him to retire to 
Orange Court House, and placing Washington on 
his rear had been able to use Fredericksburg as the 
base of supplies for the Army of the Potomac. 
My impression is the Army of the Potomac fell 
back on Falmouth for the same reason that the 
cavalry did — to prevent Lee from getting in our 
rear. The impression was general, that Lee, seeing 
the advantage he had gained, was about to flank 
us in turn and get between us and Aquia Creek. 
Independent of all this, it follows from what was 
said at the beginning, he should have offered to 
deliver battle at Bank's Ford, where he had good 
open country, would have connected with Sedg- 
wick and with Aquia Creek, and should have kept 
his cavalry in hand to use on the field, whereas he 
did use some of it, when it came back from a 
useless raid, to cover his communications, or else, 



2o6 Episodes of the Civil War 

to complete the ruin of the enemy in case he 
showed signs of wavering, by that maneuver 
which the cavalry corps waited for, a charge 
en masse against infantry, at the decisive moment. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE CAMPAIGN ENDING WITH 
GETTYSBURG 

This action is preceded by cavalry combats 
which have lost their luster somewhat, in the light 
of the succeeding great victory. The duty of our 
corps between Chancellorsville and Gettysburg 
was to feel the army beyond the Rappahannock, 
and the interval between the fifth of May and 
second of July is occupied in such enterprises, in 
which we dealt with Stuart, Fitz-Hugh Lee, and 
Robinson. 

The battle of Beverly Ford was the result of an 
attempt to feel the enemy, and we felt him some- 
what to our cost. The corps crossing early under 
Pleasanton, part at Beverly under Pleasanton, 
part under Gregg at Kelly s Ford, was to effect 
a junction on the southern side. We were then 
under Duffie, and the junction was never made. 
Accordingly, our division advancing in line soon 
ran foul of the Rebels in the wood and charging 
through drove them out, with the loss of a few men 
on our side. We had no sooner reached the open 
country, however, than we encountered a heavy 
fire from a battery commanding the road. Accord- 

207 



2o8 Episodes of the Civil War 

ingly we turned back, but only to encounter new 
Rebel batteries, with greater forces than ours. 
Meanwhile our mule-train and part of our ambu- 
lances fell into the enemy's hands. In this manner 
we were driven about in a circle all day seeking 
Pleasanton and finding Rebel batteries. About 
four, my men, who had been awake forty-eight 
hours and in the saddle all the time, having been 
on picket the second night previous, and having 
marched during the last night, told me they could 
not keep awake any longer. While we were lying 
under a shower of shells I gave the permission, and 
for fifteen minutes we slept, and arose refreshed, 
the enemy finally obliged to fall back into woods, 
at the edge of which we found the welcome muskets 
of a Minnesota infantry regiment. The ' ' Dough- 
boys" are very popular with cavalry when they 
feel themselves worn out. Indeed, without a 
battery in which they had confidence our cavalry 
brigade was by no means eager for fighting. We 
were long with Tidball's battery and with them 
we never feared of holding our men. The enlisted 
men of a cavalry regiment have such a constant 
chance to criticise the merits of the artillery officers, 
and acting with them they are their continual 
backers, that, once losing confidence in them, it is 
idle to ask much unless the artillery is changed. 
Artillery, however, appears to be equally powerless 
unless it has confidence in the efficiency of the 
cavaln,'- with whom it acts, to protect them against 
capture. On this occasion we had a new battery 



The Gettysburg Campaign 209 

with us, commanded by a very young West- 
Pointer, and as his shells appeared to fall short 
and threatened the advance of our own men, it 
was hopeless to get our troopers into energetic 
action. Near night we joined Pleasanton as he 
was crossing the Rappahannock. We were, how- 
ever, not yet across before the rebel artillery 
posted itself coolly on the high southern bank and 
made us retreat out of range, under cover of the 
woods at Bealton. We now knew at least that 
Lee's Army was in the neighborhood of Rappa- 
hannock Station. 

BEVERLY 

During the heat and exhaustion of this action, 
having been forty-eight hours in the saddle, sick 
and much indisposed at the time, I found the 
proper place and uses of whiskey; ready to lie 
still and be captured rather than move. I begged 
our surgeon for a drink. He had but two swallows 
in his canteen, red and hot as fire, which I drank, 
and I endured the rest with the greatest ease. 

There appears to be a lull and we move across, 
under command of Duffie, as far as Culpeper, 
unmolested and return. Suddenly the corps moves 
again and this time by forced marches to the north. 
There is a race for the Gaps of the Bull Run 
Mountains. We move as if towards Washington 
City at first and camp on the field of Bull Run. 
From Bull Run we turn towards the mountain and 
drive Stuart through Thoroughfare Gap. We 
14 



210 Episodes of the Civil War 

return to Centerville and again meet the enemy 
at Aldie where we drive him again. Here the 
Colonel of the 1st Maine, Colonel Davis, is killed. 
This is June 17th. 

June i8th. 

Pleasanton seems determined to push Stuart. 
The whole corps advances in line of battle to- 
wards the west ; Pleasanton and staff on the road, 
the divisions to right and left. We are now 
in the beautiful valley between the two ranges of 
the Bull Run Mountains. I am ordered to take 
Middleburg and charge through, driving the 
enemy out. This is accomplished. 

At evening I am told the position is untenable 
and ordered back. On our way through town, 
the Rebel dead are seen lying on the porch of a 
hotel, ranged in line. They are all finely formed 
fellows. We retire to about half a mile to the east 
of the town. Rain and night come, but the enemy 
remains quiet. 

June iQth. 
Being still in advance, am ordered to retake the 
town. This time the advance is more difficult. 
They drive us back on the main street; and we 
charge them in flank. They retreat to the woods, 
one mile beyond. At ten, the whole of Gregg's 
division come up and go into action. The line 
of battle is a semicircle of about a mile. The 
most obstinate resistance is about an old cemetery. 
Our men, under Major Biddle, are behind the grave- 



The Gettysburg Campaign 211 

stones and walls. The vital point of their position 
is the road leading into the woods on the brow of 
the hill in front. The 1st Maine charge again 
and again. Each time they come out of the woods 
like a swarm of bees. The road is crowded with 
the dead. We draw in our line and make a united 
charge on the center and the position is carried. 
The Rebels retreat toward Upperville. 

June 20th. 
We spend the day in camp, slaughtering the 
cattle we pick up in this fine farming countr}^ 
They seem to be of excellent stock and the soldiers 
pant for fresh beef. Alas! it is tainted with the 
wild garlic on which they graze, and uneatable. 
We return to crackers and bacon. 

Juiie 21, Sunday. 
Pleasanton still cries "Forward!" and gives 
Stuart no rest. We march again as before — 
Pleasanton in the center, in line of battle, each 
regiment in column of squadrons. We are hin- 
dered much by the stone fences in this country and 
the pioneers have heavy work of it. The blue 
mountains are nearer, and their sides look fertile 
and clear in this fine weather. The roads are dry 
and hard. At four, the artillery opens. The 
enemy has made a desperate stand at Upperville, 
which lies in a valley, just this side of Ashby's 
Gap. First I am ordered by Gregg to support 
Tidball. Scarcely in position before an order 



212 Episodes of the Civil War 

comes from Pleasanton to join Kilpatrick in the 
road and charge to the Gap. We charge through 
town; when we get beyond, we meet the rebels 
firing from behind two high rocky eminences on 
each side. Kilpatrick gallops towards me, swear- 
ing, and brandishing his sabre and ordering me to 
stop. But there is no stopping five hundred wild 
and infuriated men with drawn sabres. My 
orderly falls; I try to get two squadrons to charge 
on flank. Before the order is out of my mouth, 
we close hand to hand with Robinson's brigade, 
who comes tearing down the level slope from the 
Gap. Neither party can give way as we are shut 
in by high stone fences. Now we are all inter- 
mingled, every man for himself; with carbine, 
pistol, and sabre — a jammed mass slaughtering 
one another. My two squadrons break the lock 
and come in on the left and right flank. They had 
been detained by the fences and now fight leaning 
over the fences and pulling each other off their 
horses. Suddenly the mass moves backwards 
towards the Gap. There is a panic and I am swept 
with the Rebels. I release myself from the rider 
who holds my rein by a thrust of my sabre. He 
drops between the two horses and his horse and 
mine gallop back together. We form a new line 
and advance as skirmishers but it is unnecessary. 
The Rebels have retreated through the Gap. 

Soon we are ordered into camp on the eastern 
side of the town. As we ride through the high 
road, it is mournful to see the heaps of dead blue 



The Gettysburg Campaign 213 

and gray men lying on their backs pale and stiff, 
some still grasping their sabres, others dead in the 
act of tearing open their clothes to reach their 
wounds. Everywhere lies the horse, with the side 
swollen, the eyes open and distended, the mouth 
emitting foam. It reminds one of Byron. His 
description is accurate. 

" And there lay the rider — distorted and pale, 
With the dew on his brow and the rust on his mail. 

And there lay the steed with his nostrils all wide, 

And the foam of his gasping lay white on the turf, 
And cold as the spray of the rock-beaten surf." 

The surgeon of my regiment stopped to ex- 
amine a few who appeared to give signs of re- 
maining life; but announced every one fatally 
injured. The counter charging over the fallen 
troopers of several thousand horse gave even the 
slightly wounded no chance for life. 

I indulged in another reflection. These men 
were all dressed in homespun. Their saddles and 
harness, holsters, sabre knots, and even carbines 
were home-made. In the latter you recognized 
the shortened musket barrel. How desperately 
in earnest must such a people be who after foreign 
supplies are exhausted depend on their own fabrics 
rather than submit! Again, how hard it seems for 
us strangers to kill these young men in sight of the 



214 Episodes of the Civil War 

cottages where some of them were raised, fighting, 
as they beHeved themselves to be, for their own 
friends! Thus passes a Sunday in war. But the 
enemy is gone, driven through the second and last 
hole in the mountain range, and further pursuit 
is out of the question. 

That night we make our beds of hay and sleep 
soundly. Stuart cannot stand before Pleasanton. 

Monday, June 22nd. 
We retire at our leisure from Upperville, through 
Middleburg again back to Aldie, with a strong but 
unnecessary rear-guard. No one pursues. 

Tuesday, June 2jrd. 
We march northeast towards Leesburg, where 
we find a great deal of infantry on the march. 

Wednesday, June 24th; Thursday, June 25th; 
Friday, June 26th — On picket at Goose Creek, 
with instructions to guard all the roads leading 
to Edwards Ferry. We hear that Lee is to the 
north of us in Pennsylvania, and Stuart behind us 
in pursuit. 

Saturday, June 2yth. 

Fine weather. Ordered to withdraw my pickets 
and fall back on the main body at Edwards Ferry. 
When we emerged from the woods what a sight 
was there — pontoons across the Potomac, and on 
the other side the army of General Hooker on the 
heights! We are in pursuit of Lee. Crossed this 



The Gettysburg Campaign 215 

evening. Read a Washington paper saying that 
Harrisburg is threatened and Ewell at York. 
Again Lee has escaped us. We took in forage and 
supplies and marched for the north. The night 
was dark and confusion reigned supreme. The 
brigade and regiment all mixed up. One half of 
my regiment is gone. When day breaks only three 
squadrons remain. The same in other brigades. 

Simday, June 28th. 

Fine and clear. We have gathered our com- 
mands. At 12 noon we start again and by even- 
ing reach Frederick City — 5 p.m. Part of my best 
command got here before me. The country through 
which we passed seemed all loyal. Women waved 
their handkerchiefs and children handed us bou- 
quets. The troops moved in parallel routes ; infant- 
ry, cavalry, and artillery frequently got confused. 

At Frederick is the Grand Army. I hear that 
Hooker is relieved and Meade in command. We 
all remember Meade, as a Pennsylvanian and 
General of the Reserves, and are well satisfied — 
although the change just now looks dubious. 

Monday, June 29th. 

One of my men killed in a drunken row. We 
pass through Frederick, and taste the luxury of 
fresh bread. Everyone has something he wants 
to buy. Tobacco, whiskey, and riding whips 
appear to be cavalry wants. 

Halted at noon and grazed in a fine field of 
timothy, near an elegant mansion. The owner 



2i6 Episodes of the Civil War 

did not appear to like it. We get entangled so 
frequently with wagon trains and infantry that the 
progress is slow. Rested at Unionville. 

Tuesday, June ^oth. 
Passed through Westminster and camped near 
Manchester. We are clear of the infantry and 
march fast. Horse after horse is giving out. 

Wednesday, July 1st. 

Reached Hanover at five in the morning and are 
once again on the soil of our native State. Slept 
in a field of wheat. No rest. At seven we are 
again on the march. A clergyman, before whose 
house we halted, came to the window in his night- 
dress, and told us Lee's Army was at Gettysburg. 
A battle had been fought, Reynolds killed, and 
Howard in command. We pressed on vigorously. 
At Hanover the dead cavalry horses showed a 
cavalry fight. They said Kilpatrick had defeated 
the enemy there. 

All corps march furiously. 

Thursday, July 2nd. 
This morning at eleven we reached Gettysburg 
and halted. McClellan is reported in command 
and Butler Secretary of War. Met Colonel Tay- 
lor of the Reserves who used to be at my house at 
Washington.' Gregg ordered us into a field of 
clover on Rock Creek, between Hanover and 
Taney town roads. At three I was ordered to 

' Colonel Taylor was killed that same afternoon. He was a 
brother of Bayard Taylor. 



The Gettysburg Campaign 217 

accompany a staff officer of General Pleasanton's 
with my regiment. We hastened through the 
crowded roads to what I afterwards learned was 
Little Round Top, in rear of some artillery, 
McGillery's artillery brigade of Sickles's corps, 
where I left my regiment and went with my guide 
to Pleasanton for instructions. This was the 
headquarters of our army. 

The house was a small cottage on the left of the 
Taney Town Road, sheltered somewhat by the hill 
above. Outside were many staff officers and or- 
derlies. Within was Butterfield, Meade, and 
Pleasanton. They occupied a room that contained 
the ordinary bedroom furniture of a poor Penn- 
sylvania farmer. Their gentlemanly manner and 
brilliant uniforms contrasted strangely with the 
surroundings. 

Pleasanton begged my pardon for having made 
me ride so far. There was no need of exposing the 
cavalry in front. I should rejoin Gregg on the 
right and tell him to take good care of it. My 
orderly's horse was struck by a shell here. I 
rejoined my regiment, who were very glad to get 
out of the fearful rain of shell which, directed to 
the caissons in front of them, dismounted a number 
of them. On my way back noticed Sickles on a 
stretcher, smoking a cigar. They said his leg had 
been shot off in the last charge. This is giving 
the "Solace Tobacco" a new meaning. By the 
time I reached Gregg he was just going into camp 
in the clover field above mentioned. The men 



2i8 Episodes of the Civil War 

were just leaving their horses run at random to 
graze and sitting down to make coffee, when a 
long Rebel infantry skirmish line issues 
from the woods and advances towards us, while 
artillery on the edge of the woods reach us with 
shells. We get our artille y limbered up again, 
throw out a stronger line, drive them back, and 
then, in sight of one another, take supper, for the 
first time since we left Edwards Ferry, with some 
degree of comfort. But our rest is short. At 
eight we march in division down the Tennally- 
town road for camp. Pleasanton seems to be 
anxious to guard the rear from attack. I again 
report to Pleasanton and he orders me to picket 
the left flank beyond the infantry. These are 
extreme' y agreeable orders. The night is dark. 
I have no knowledge of the locality. No one can 
tell me where the line is. Pleasanton does not 
know. I must find out myself. I enter the first 
road turning to the left. First we run into ambu- 
lances, then into infantry, then again know we 
are among the wounded by their groans, and so, 
groping our way between the pickets of the two 
armies, we finally run some kind of a line by one 
o'clock, but whether it runs inside the rebels or 
inside of our wagon trains, I cannot tell. The 
men must take care of themselves. 

Friday, July jrd. 
Morning arrives and I visit the line. It is all 
right — the men, being old picketers, have disposed 



The Gettysburg Campaign 219 

themselves in hailing distance of one another and 
beyond the infantry. Soon after daybreak I am 
ordered to withdraw my line within the infantry. 
We are now stationed at "Two Taverns" and 
have some rest to observe the battle. At ten the 
cannonading ceases and thousands of Rebels are 
driven in; thousands of wounded carried to the 
rear. At one a terrific fire opens. The whole 
heavens are dotted with the tufts made by explod- 
ing shells. Pleasanton anticipates an attack at 
Littlestown and orders me to send a patrol to 
discover what is going on. Before they have time 
to report, I am ordered to join our cavalry on the 
right. We march through the woods and find 
Gregg heavily engaged between the Hanover road 
and York road, on the enemy's left. The 3rd 
Pennsylvania suffers severely. My own regiment 
is badly shelled, but the enemy is driven in towards 
the rear. At night we pass over the unburied 
dead towards the Hanover road and camp, which 
we reach at eight. Scarcely are we asleep before 
a tremendous volley of musketry resounds along 
the whole line and then all is still again. 

Saturday, July 4th. 
The morning is misty. We move out to the old 
fighting ground near the York road, to renew 
action. At eleven we are in line. Gregg rides 
off. We see and hear nothing except a heavy rain. 
At 5 P.M. we are ordered to go to camp. We sur- 
mise the enemy has fallen back. A rumor 



220 Episodes of the Civil War 

spreads that Lee is in full retreat. We return 
drenched to camp. A prisoner of an Alabama 
regiment is captured and says Lee is gone, and 
the Confederacy at an end. He wants no more 
fighting. 

Sunday, July 5th. 

The ground is still wet with the night's rain but 
the air is heavy and sultry and the day extremely 
hot. At 6 A.M. we march over to the York road 
and take possession of about five hundred prisoners 
who are stowed away in every place that has a 
roof — houses, barns, outhouses, haymows, thresh- 
ing floors, corncribs. They have nothing to say, 
and crawl about at our coming with a kind of dazed 
and stupid stare. Around the buildings are scat- 
tered amputated limbs and sheet-iron breast- 
plates. Our ambulances remove the wounded. 

At ten o'clock receive orders to march through 
the town by the York road and wait for the rest 
of the division beyond. On the road we find Ex- 
Governor Bigler in a carriage, driving into town. 
We enter and tear down the barricades in the 
streets. They are up to the second story of the 
brick houses and composed of wagons, rocking- 
chairs, bureaus, stones, rails, planks, and palings. 
They took what seemed handiest. Occasionally 
we see the mark of shells on the houses, but not 
many. The inhabitants are few, and look, as we 
pass, in stupid astonishment. The houses are all 
hospitals. The dead are removed from the streets, 



The Gettysburg Campaign 221 

but beyond the town is a scene and a smell that 
cannot well be described. The odor of the decay- 
ing bodies is so sickening that some of my men 
vomit. As far as the eye can reach on both sides 
of the Cashtown road you see blue-coated boys, 
swollen up to look as giants, quite black in the face, 
but neariy all on their backs, looking into the 
clear blue with open eyes, with their clothes torn, 
open. It is strange that dying men tear their 
clothes in this manner. You see them lying in 
platoons of infantry with officers and arms exactly 
as they stood or ran — artillery men with caisson 
blown up and four horses, each in position — dead. 
Occasionally the yellow stripe of a cavalryman 
beside his horse. You meet also limbs and frag- 
ments of men. The road is strewn with dead, 
whom the Rebels have half buried and whom the 
heavy rain has uncovered. Our horses snort as 
they approach them and jump to one side. Plenty 
of fresh earth is thrown up too — the graves of 
Rebels to whom their comrades hurriedly per- 
formed the last offices. In the road too are frag- 
ments of citizens, clothing, stolen and abandoned 
again, and all the vestiges of a great and beaten 
army hurriedly retreating — stragglers in every 
corner too anxious to be taken prisoners ; caissons, 
harness, piles of shells, ammunitions, cracker- 
boxes; abandoned horses and mules; the hoofs 
and footprints and ruts made by a myriad of 
trains, horses, cattle, and fugitive soldiers. Soon 
we see plainer marks of a demoralized retreat. 



222 Episodes of the Civil War 

We reach what first seems regimental tents. As 
we approach we find they had left their hospitals 
all standing with the wounded and surgeons. 
Barns, houses, sheds, the roadside, the fields, the 
hayricks, were full of rebels eager to be captured. 
At every turn of the road farmers appeared with 
pitchforks and flails, having driven together a 
flock of stragglers, and handing them over to the 
cavalry. These farmers appeared especially en- 
raged because the retreating column had aban- 
doned the road, and had marched over the grain, 
making a swath, twelve feet deep, parallel to the 
road, of trampled wheat and rye. Caissons, shells, 
cartridges, guns, arms of all sorts, baggage- wagons, 
wagons stolen from the farmers, drums, strewed 
the road. 

So we advance, driving the stragglers in, through 
Cashtown, across the mountain, the i6th Penn- 
sylvania in advance. As we approach Stevens 
Furnace, my regiment is ordered to the front. We 
have caught up with their cavalry. It is now late 
in the afternoon, — the cavalry utterly exhausted 
by the forced march. We attack them in the 
road and one of my men is killed. Night comes 
and we encamp along the creek at the Furn- 
ace. In the morning the rebel rear-guard is 
gone. 

Monday, July 6th. 
It is now our day for the advance. I receive 
orders at Fayetteville to charge down the road to 



The Gettysburg Campaign 223 

Greencastle. Gregg's adjutant general rides 
with me to see that the pace is rapid. He insists 
on galloping. About one hundred stragglers fall 
in. But no signs of the rear-guard. At Marion 
the march has made an end of any efficiency 
in my force. I count up out of the five hun- 
dred men of my regiment with whom I left Po- 
tomac Creek, twenty-five with me mounted. The 
rest are, heaven only knows where, dismount- 
ed, killed, wounded, scattered, and not on 
hand. 

At Marion a citizen tells me Fitz-Hugh Lee with 
two thousand horse is leisurely grazing his horses 
at Brown's Mills, about one mile to the left. A 
reconnaissance shows that he is right. Now is the 
golden opportunity for a surprise. If I had only 
two hundred men it might do, but with twenty-five 
it is absurd. An orderly carries the news and asks 
Gregg to come up and scatter the party. He 
answers, "Good God! what does the man mean? 
Let him fall back on me at Fayetteville. " 
While I was waiting for reinforcements four miles 
away from the main body, and one from Lee, a 
citizen handed me the Philadelphia Inquirer^ 
containing an account of the battle and saying 
that there was a freshet in the Potomac and the 
cavalry had utterly routed Lee's retreating army. 
Alas! had the necessary strength been furnished, 
I think it could have been done, then and 
there. 

Judging from the immense decrease in the 



224 Episodes of the Civil War 

strength of my own regiment I have no doubt 
Gregg's force was small comparatively. Neither 
do I know what his orders were. They may have 
been to retreat, though not probably. But there 
are times when a wholesome disobedience, like 
that of Bernard von Weimer's at Quatre Bras has 
turned the scale of victory. He may have been 
afraid of leaving a Rebel force on his flank. But 
I incline to believe that Gregg judged his strength 
insufficient to cope with a whole army, and there- 
fore fell back as he did that night on Goldsboro 
and Chambersburg. Our ammunition was nearly 
exhausted and the horses sore-backed and ex- 
hausted. Still, allowing all that, it seems to me 
that a vigorous and general charge of Gregg's 
division on Lee, on the afternoon of the 6th as 
he lay at ease near Marion, would have routed that 
demoralized body and driven such consternation 
throughout the infantry — harassed by a freshet in 
the rear — as would have given us the Southern 
Army. 

At Chambersburg it was a great luxury to get 
shaved in the same barber shop where Hill had 
just been shaved, to walk again on pavements, 
to talk with women and men, citizens, about the 
career of the rebels in their town. The court 
house was quite white with the flour distributed 
here among the soldiers. The citizens were 
very angry at the ruffians, for taking their hats off 
and putting them on their own heads, and robbing 
their storerooms. 



The Gettysburg Campaign 225 

Wedfiesday, July yth. 
Our detour to Chambersburg has made an end 
of our pursuit of Lee. We march leisurely through 
Waynesboro to Quincy. 

Thursday, July 8ih. 
Pass through Wolfsville, INIyerstown to Middle- 
town. Met General Smith's militia. 

Friday, Jidy gth. 
Camped at Middletown, shoeing horses, cleaning 
armor, resting, grazing, laying in forage, rations, 
and ammunition. 

WRITTEN AFTER RETURN TO CAMP. 

Saturday, July nth. 
We marched to Boonesboro, where the rest of the 
cavalry corps is assembled. 

Sunday, July 12th. 
My regiment receives thirty-five horses and our 
brigade is joined by Scott's nine hundred cavalry 
and detachments of the 13th and 14th Penn- 
sylvania Cavalry. 

Monday, July ijth. 
Rested and recruited my command. 

Tuesday, July 14th. 
Gregg's division moves on early and crosses the 
Potomac over pontoons at Harpers Ferry. We 

IS 



226 Episodes of the Civil War 

are going to intercept Lee's passage, but it looks 
rather late. We should have been at this a week 
earlier. Camp that night on the heights above 
Harpers Ferry — Bolivar Heights. 

Wednesday, July 15th. 
At seven marched out on the roads toward 
Martinsburg and Winchester. The enemy is 
reported on our left at Charleston. At 2 o'clock 
we reach Shepherdstown. I am ordered to proceed 
with my regiment four miles on the Winchester 
Pike. Advanced as far as Walfert's Cross Roads, 
where we hear the sound of drums in three direc- 
tions: on our left going towards Charleston; on 
the right going towards Martinsburg; in front 
going to Winchester. Barricaded the crossroads 
and sent in for reinforcements. Skirmishing with 
the pickets all night. 

Thursday, July i6th. 

Am relieved during the night, and by eight 
return to camp. Told Gregg the crossroads were 
not tenable by one regiment. Sitting down to 
dinner under an apple tree. The ist Maine is 
driven in. It looks very much as if we were in the 
middle of Lee's Army. 

Reinforcements are sent forward. The ist 
Maine is driven into the woods about half a mile, 
the other side of Shepherdstown, when it makes a 
stand. We have only two pieces of artillery. Our 
men are dismounted and go into action. They 



The Gettysburg Campaign 227 

continue to press our flanks inward. Artillery 
moves to within two hundred yards of my right. 
The woods swarm with whole regiments moving 
into line. Our artillery falls short and is useless. 
Charge after charge is made but with no effect. 
There is great slaughter among our men. I never 
saw these rebels so bold. Gradually sun sets. 
If we can only hold on until dark, we may escape. 
The ammunition gives out and our mule-train 
is captured. Finally comes night. We are in a 
small circle hemmed in by a heavy force, most of 
our dead and wounded in their hands. The men 
stay on post. Every half hour or so, the line 
starts firing and blazes from end to end. At 
II P.M. orders come to withdraw quietly. In the 
darkness some of the men could not be found and 
were left. We retire through ravines in a pitch- 
dark night, until by the light of an occasional fire 
we reach the Harpers Ferry road, and by day- 
light are again on Bolivar Heights. 

Thursday, July lyth. 

Harpers Ferry. 
We are all glad of our escape, but sorry we came 
too late to intercept. We even so nearly inter- 
cepted ourselves. 

Friday, July i8th. 
Harpers Ferry 
The Army of the Potomac is crossing the river at 
Berlin. 



228 Episodes of the Civil War 

Saturday, July igth to Aug. ist. 

We march by Leesburg, Manassas Junction, 
Bristow Station, Bealton, to Amissville, picketing 
and patrolling as far as Mt. Washington and Thorn- 
ton's Gap. Lee is again on the Rapidan, Meade 
on the line of the Rappahannock, and the Gettys- 
burg Campaign is over. 

In this campaign, which occupied, starting with 
June 17th at Aldie to July i8th at Harpers Ferry, 
one month, or ending at Amissville, when the 
armies were again at rest, Aug. ist, six weeks, 
the cavalry of our division marched two hundred 
miles via Thoroughfare Gap, Ashby's Gap, Lees- 
burg, and Frederick, before it reached Gettysburg. 

After it left Gettysburg and until it returned to 
Harpers Ferry, it marched twelve miles per day via 
Chambersburg, Marion, Middletown, Boonsboro, 
and Shepherdstown. After it left Harpers Ferry 
and until it returned to the line of the army of 
Amissville, it marched via Manassas, Leesburg, 
and Bristow, one hundred miles. Its whole 
march then in a direct line was 420 miles. Count- 
ing now its marches on picket and in action as 
eighty more, the miles marched are five hundred. 

The march from the Potomac to Gettysburg 
occupied from Saturday evening, 9 p.m., June 27th, 
to Thursday, July 2d, 1 1 a. m. Before it crossed 
the Potomac it had been four entire days in action, 
alternated by picket, and had before it a march of 
eighty miles which it accomplished in four days 
and a half, being at the rate of a little less than 



The Gettysburg Campaign 229 

twenty miles a day. Twelve miles a day is a good 
cavalry march. 

Our condition then at Gettysburg was as follows : 
We had been fighting and picketing without inter- 
ruption for a week; we had marched interruptedly 
about two weeks three hundred miles — the last 
eighty by forced marches. Supposing now the 
condition of the rest of the corps to have been the 
same as ours, let us see what was done with 
the cavalry and what could have been done with 
it at Gettysburg. I mean during and after the 
engagement. 

On the 29th of June Kilpatrick's Division en- 
countered Stuart at Hanover but did not prevent 
his making his way by our right flank to Carlisle. 
On the 30th he occupied the enemy at Emmits- 
burg Road. On the 29th of June and ist of July 
Buford held the enemy in check on the Cashtown 
road. On the 2d, he was sent to Westminster to 
refit; afterwards to Williamsport. On the 2d and 
3d, Gregg encountered the enemy on his left wing ; 
on the 4th, found he had withdrawn his left; on 
the 5th and 6th pursued him to Marion; on the 
6th halted; on the 14th, marched to Harpers 
Ferr}^ Meade says in his report : ' ' On the morn- 
ing of the 14th, it was discovered that the enemy 
had retired the night previous by a bridge at 
Falling Waters and a ford at Williamsport. . . . 
Previous to the retreat of the enemy, Gregg's 
Division had crossed at Harpers Ferry." 

Meade is in error. Gregg did notleave Boons- 



230 Episodes of the Civil War 

boro until the morning of the 14th, after the enemy 
was across and when Meade knew he was across. 
We crossed just one night later than Lee. 

That part of cavalry duty which was assigned 
the cavalry, discovering where the enemy was, 
was well performed by Buford and Kilpatrick. 
It was also assigned them to harass the enemy on 
the right and left flanks, which was done. Gregg 
was instructed to head off Stuart's advance on our 
right. This could not be done on account of 
the trains in the way. The cavalry was also 
ordered to harass the enemy's retreat. This was 
also done. 

By keeping Stuart engaged in rear of our infantry 
advance, it prevented his junction with Lee on the 
first day. That was of immense value. 

What more could have been done during the 
action, — or after it — to make the victory decisive 
by the timely use of cavalry? 

I answer, during the engagement the cavalry 
did all that was possible, acting as detached 
divisions, several miles apart and on different 
wings. But why use them separately ? 

Cavalry in all wars has been most effective by 
being hurled en masse on the enemy's weakest 
point and at the decisive moment. It is essentially 
Varm du moment to be held in reserve as such and 
only used in great actions as such. Mere com- 
pliance with the elements of the art of war should 
have caused Meade to concentrate his cavalry 
for use at the right moment, when the enemy 



The Gettysburg Campaign 231 

showed signs of wavering. Besides that, what the 
cavalry needed to be effective was a day's rest. 

Suppose now that Kilpatrick, Buford, and Gregg 
had been massed in the clover fields of the Hanover 
road on the morning of the 2d and held in reserve. 
There was no immediate need of the arm whatever 
as against infantry and artillery. These arms 
practically relieved the cavalry. 

The two armies occupy the slopes of parallel 
hills with a level valley between, where obstacles 
are already removed by the tread of the infantry. 
At three o'clock on the afternoon of the 3d, the ar- 
tillery of the enemy ceased firing, and his masses 
are seen forming for an assault on our left and left 
center. The attack is made and met. The enemy 
retires, leaving the field strewed with his killed 
and wounded. 

Now was the glorious opportunity for a Ney, a 
Ziethen, Murat, or Kellerman to have formed his 
host in column of squadrons, to have hurled them 
down the valley from their right, to have descended 
like an avalanche on Hill's and Swell's retreating 
flank and rear, and to have ended the day with 
peace to our arms. 

It was not to be. Pleasanton was at head- 
quarters and his division generals vainly essaying 
to do separately what was only feasible united. 

Now, the union of these cavalry divisions acting 
in concert at the critical moment of battle, under 
three division generals of reputation, requires a 
leader, who is made of the stuff that loves the 



232 Episodes of the Civil War 

m^lee of a charge as Ney did, at Waterloo, or who is 
anxious to go with his command far enough to show 
it its direction as did Lord Lucan at Balaklava. 
I have never heard that Pleasanton was ordered to 
stay at headquarters, or that he was directed to 
cut up his force into fragments, and wear them out 
in fruitless charges on infantry. It may have been 
that he was so ordered. If he was, from his pre- 
vious habit, I have no doubt the orders were 
agreeable to him, — throwing the execution on his 
subordinates and directing them afar off. 

But my impression is that if Kilpatrick or Bu- 
ford or Gregg had been in chief command of the 
corps, such orders would not have been given. 
The corps would have been concentrated as soon 
as the contest was taken out of cavalry hands 
by the arrival of Meade, rested, grazed, shod, 
supplied and held in reserve for use at the decisive 
moment. 

Allowing, however, that the use of cavalry had 
been a mistake during the engagement, was not 
the mistake reparable afterwards ? 

We have seen that the retreat of the Rebel 
Army was discovered on the morning of the 5th. 
They retreated by the Fairfield and Cashtown 
roads. Gregg had his division in hand. Why not 
at eight o'clock hurl them forwards with directions 
to ride down remorselessly the retreating columns ? 
Mcintosh's Brigade was sent over the Fairfield 
road; ours on the Cashtown, But I received at 
eight, orders to take hospitals, at ten, to move 



The Gettysburg Campaign 233 

through the town and wait for the rest of our 
brigade, and it was not until one o'clock that the 
head of our column moved out of Gettysburg. 
Here was a loss of five hours — enough for the pur- 
poses of Lee. This is the first error in the pursuit. 

We have seen that we caught up to the rear- 
guard on the evening of the 6th at Brown's Mills, 
under circumstances most favorable for the attack 
of a moderately strong force, and that Gregg 
turned aside to Chambersburg and abandoned the 
pursuit. That he was not perhaps adequately 
supported was owing to the absence of the two 
other divisions. Why were not they supporting 
one another's advance? Pleasanton did not so 
order them. 

But I cannot esteem this absence as an excuse 
for not attacking Fitz-Hugh Lee. The force that 
entered Chambersburg was still large and effective 
and in good fighting trim, as much encouraged to 
fight and pursue as the enemy was disheartened 
and demoralized. When I rejoined the main body, 
I was asked whether I had destroyed the caissons 
and cannon. I answered "no," and a detachment 
was ordered up to spike the guns. I judged from 
that, that Gregg still believed there was great 
danger of the enemy's returning. If so, his turning 
aside is sufficiently explained. This is the second 
error of the pursuit. 

Again Lee crossed on the night of the 13th- 14th 
of July. On the nth, Saturday, we were at 
Boonsboro refitted and reinforced. 



234 Episodes of the Civil War 

Capable of crossing at Harpers Ferry to inter- 
cept Lee's advance, across a swollen river by a 
bridge at Falling Waters and a ford at Williams- 
port, we were not ordered to cross until the 
evening of the 14th and then it was too late. But 
the 9th was sufficient to have rested, and had we 
been pushed forward it was possible to have 
crossed on the loth, in time to have prevented 
even the erection of a bridge. This is the third 
error of the pursuit. 

It is possible that if these errors had not been 
committed, and the lost opportunity been taken 
advantage of, Lee's generalship would have 
invented a way out ; still, when it is considered that 
on the proper handling of the cavalry after this 
action depended the close or continuance of the 
war, with its attendant miseries, for another year 
and a half, it is mournful to think of the force of 
a magnificent cavalry corps being frittered away 
and checked just long enough to enable the prize 
to escape ; that possibility was never tested. 



CHAPTER X 
THE CAPITAL IN 1864— A DIARY 

Washington, D. C, June jo, 1864. The astute 
Secretary of the Treasury, whom the Herald calls 
" Mephistopheles, " Gurowski, "a pompous and 
passive patriot," and Wall Street," the father of 
greenbacks, "hasresigned. T/ze^'tor says from some 
dispute between him and the President last night 
Chase wanted Field and Lincoln some one else to 
be Sub-Treasurer at New York. The story on the 
street runs that Chase offered with great dignity 
to resign, since he was so treated, and the Presi- 
dent answered," Well, Mr. Secretary, then I must 
get along without you. " This morning Chase was 
placed before the Senate Committee and testified 
concerning his past conduct and future plans. 
All this while the name of Governor Todd of Ohio 
was in the committee's hands. That when he 
reached home he was dismayed and confounded 
to find the acceptance of his resignation on the 
table. 

I am puzzled how much to believe of this story 
about quarrelling over appointments. It may be 
the pretext, but it is not the cause. Men do not 
dismiss important officers on such grounds, neither 

235 



236 Episodes of the Civil War 

do ambitious men jump from the top round of the 
ladder on account of a petty quarrel. I incline to 
the opinion : (i ) that Chase's opinion of Lincoln has 
never been very high, and he has let that escape 
him; (2) Seward and Blair have been undermining 
him; (3) Chase is disappointed at Lincoln's 
nomination. These things have made bad blood. 
(4) the depreciation of the currency, whether 
owing to the speculators' or Chase's policy, has 
hurt him in public esteem. 

The Tribune says: "We would support General 
Fremont quite as willingly as Mr. Lincoln, if he 
stood at the head of the anti-slavery host, which he 
does not. ' ' The Times is now the only administra- 
tion paper in New York. 

Evening. Gold is quoted at 2.48. Colonel 
H. raves about Chase's bad treatment and declares 
him the only living financier. Robert J. Walker 
next best. Boutwell thinks the dispute only 
personal and believes Congress will not delay 
adjourning. Rumors of Stanton's resignation. 
The Star is a great advocate of the War Secretary. 
People are beginning to understand that Stanton 
does not care for his ofhce, sacrifices money by 
staying in, and is far too independent to care how 
many enemies he makes. 

II P. M. Rumor that Chase will be restored. 
Met Blair taking his children walking on the 
avenue as unconcerned as if his name were not 
mentioned by a thousand tongues in connection 
with the resignation of Chase. 



The Capital in 1864 237 

Washington, July i, 1864. Anniversary of 
Reynolds's death and opening of Gettysburg under 
Buford. The affairs of the Republic are less criti- 
cal, not more prosperous than a year ago. 

The Chronicle declares the non-acceptance of 
Governor Todd. Sensible man. There is no 
glory in patching up finance. The paper de- 
precates quarrels between men in high places and 
veers around to the restoration of Chase. Order 
of Stanton forbidding information in the Depart- 
ment to outsiders. 

Senate confirmed appointments in Invalid 
Corps. Captain Todd has justice done him, and 
made Major of 69th New York. Better late than 
never. More badly wounded officers than ever 
coming in. It is nothing now to have four balls 
lodged in the body. Grant evidently conceals his 
losses. Officers tell me complimentary orders 
have been published by Meade and Sheridan to 
brigades and regiments, but no mention of them 
in the newspapers. Lee has his match in reticence, 
at least. 

Heard a lady say Grant meets the same obstacles 
as McClellan, with no more success, but greater 
determination. Thought the observation just. 

I am glad to see the New Yorkers appreciate the 
real wants of the army and are going to send a 
cargo of onions as a 4th of July present. Fresh 
vegetables in warm weather are better than the 
Surgeon-General's Department. I remember how 
the cavalry used to envy the horses the grass they 



238 Episodes of the Civil War 

cropped, last July ist. Received a letter from a 
corporal who served with me last summer and 
enlisted in the Pennsylvania Volunteers, in the 
front, complaining of their want of organization. 
The officers remain uncommissioned because there 
is a disagreement between Stanton and Curtin. 
Consequently, no quartermaster or commissary 
and no supplies. The trouble is an old one. 
This power should be in Grant or Stanton who 
cannot make a corporal or lieutenant except 
among the regulars. 

Grant should be able to reward as well as punish. 
Vallandigham's connection with Morgan's raid 
appears fully believed by Governor Bramlette, in 
his correspondence with Governor Morton of Ohio. 

Yesterday Stevens upheld the dignity of the 
House by offering a resolution that the action of the 
Senate in returning the Enrollment Act, with 
amendment, imposing a tax on imports, was a 
violation of the privileges of the house, which 
resolution was sent to the Senate. 

Washington, July 2, 1864. All quiet at Peters- 
burg. Grant's headquarters are at City Point. 
He seems to be certain of his base and determines 
to stay where he is, which is the vital difference 
between him and McClellan. General Dix and 
staff were arrested yesterday and brought before 
Judge Russell, charged with suppression of The 
World and Journal of Commerce. I presume they 
will plead the Indemnity Act and the constitution- 
ality of the law will be settled. 



The Capital in 1864 239 

10 A. M. Fessenden has not yet made up his 
mind. Gold closed yesterday at 2.25, a decline 
of fifty-seven from the highest point. I hear 
many speculations concerning Chase's future. 

About his going to run for Senator from Ohio, 

and about his going into business with Jay Cooke 
& Co. The Herald is enthusiastic over his fall 
and says, "The happy family is broken up." 

July 2d. Fessenden was offered the portfolio 
of the Treasury and declines. He says his vaca- 
tion is barely sufficient to enable him to recover 
from the fatigues of the sessions. He would be 
obliged to give up in a month. Still an immense 
pressure is brought on the Senator from Maine. 
In New York, gold went down from 2.50 to 2.20. 
On hearing of his appointment Ashman stopped 
the President's carriage at the head of Colonel 
Taylor's funeral cortege and talked Fessenden. 
The claims of Boutwell are urged, but President 
objects. Fessenden slept on the matter. I trust 
he will decline, though he has been ten years 
Chairman of Finance. 

Much talk and little work in Congress. Brown's 
amendment providing for return of States in 
insurrection carried by 17 to 16. It provides for 
the recognition of these States as soon as they have 
returned to allegiance by the President's proclama- 
tion. The gold bill is quietly repealed. 

July 2d. The military authorities beginning 
to clean out the Augean stables of this city. The 
Military Governor issues orders to remove all filth 



240 Episodes of the Civil War 

from streets and tenements. It is easy to see that 
the city should be cleaned but not so easy to 
comprehend that the Military Governor command 
or punish citizens for neglect. The weather is 
exceedingly warm and sultry, and the Government 
ambulance and trains roll up an unbroken cloud 
of dust. 

A notable feature on the streets of the capital 
is the female Government employees; especially 
the Treasury girls. They are generally young 
and of good families — for it takes some influence 
to get into a department. There are many black 
sheep among them, however. They get $600 a 
year which is little when board is. hard to get at 
$30 per month, and an ordinary room costs $20 
per month. 

6 P. M. July 2d. Fessenden is tacitly the new 
secretary. I hope he will meet the issues of 
finance with more decision and directness than he 
has his appointment. The greatness of events 
appears to dwarf our men and power, for they 
display personal weaknesses which the quiet 
stupefaction of former administrations had not 
brought out. The New York papers still adrift 
on the great reason of Chase's resignation. The 
Times holds that Lincoln found it time to get rid 
of insubordinate subordinates. The Herald natur- 
ally inclines to an explanation which presumes 
an intrigue and cuts the B lairs. The Tribune 
denies the theory of the Times but sets up none 
of its own. The Truth is a Commissioner — says 



The Capital in 1864 241 

"Chase has always had the most contemptible 
opinion of Lincoln and been fearless in expressing 
it." It was long ago desired to be rid of him. 
The renomination of Lincoln gave the opportunity, 
and the quarrel about Cisco, the pretext. 

Chase is right at last. He has long eaten humble 
pie. He has had to fight the bitter fight of having 
more responsibility than authority. It is all 
right. The record of the minister is clear. 

Sunday, July 3d. Last night a final session. 
Rumors of a general assault on Petersburg. 
It is supposed that true to the superstitions of the 
army and the national feeling Grant will not allow 
the 4th to go by without an effort. 

Alonday. No news from Grant. Excitement 
in Washington. Sigel is driven to Harpers 
Ferr}^ Raids and the capture of Washington 
talked about. 

Jidy 4th. A great carnival. The colored people 
celebrate a picnic in the President's grounds. A 
stranger would imagine himself in the palace 
gardens of Soulouque of Hayti. Negroes in hacks, 
with standards on gayly-caparisoned horses, and 
generally in the costume of the Southern aristo- 
cracy. Their new freedom is naturally driven to 
excess. In time they will take their proper posi- 
tion as humble citizens — at present they are 
extravagant freedmen. 

I hear that Forney is steering for the Senate, 
while he pretends to support Cameron, who keeps 
canvassing the State against Curtin. Mr. Ket- 
16 



242 Episodes of the Civil War 

chum declares that the RepubHcan party in Penn- 
sylvania is discouraged by the squabble between 
Curtin and Cameron, and the young men, seeing 
no hope, refuse to work. He is doubtful about 
Pennsylvania next fall. We will see. 

Why cannot the young blood drive the fossils 
out of office? Because young blood only rules in 
resolutions, not in managing. 

Chronicle compares the situation of Grant with 
his situation before Richmond and finds many 
analogies. 

Josiah Quincy, the Nestor of American politics, 
is dead. 

There has been an affair of honor. Miss B 

is engaged to Captain M regular infantry, and 

goes walking in street with her sister in the evening. 
She flirts with an officer and he desires to walk with 
her. She declines the honor and calls papa. 
Papa arrives and threatens lieutenant. Next day 
lieutenant and captain meet at Willard's and 
captain demands apology. Lieutenant refuses. 
Captain calls him coward. Lieutenant draws 
pistols and captain snaps lieutenant, cowhides 
lieutenant, kicks him out doors, and lieutenant 
is dismissed from the service. Captain reports 
to Miss B and is the hero of town. 

Every one seems to have a great disposition to 
enjoy the day, yet to be doubtful of the propriety. 
There is no enthusiasm or abandonment. The 
critical position of the army, the last day of Con- 
gress, the multitude of hearses and wounded seem 



The Capital in 1864 243 

to throw a restraint around the pleasure, although 
the weather is superb. 

Truly there is not much to rejoice over that is 
associated with the day. On this fatal day one 
year ago, Meade suffered the Phoenix Lee to 
arise from his ashes and fired not a gun, made not 
a reconnoissance. But Grant and Vicksburg shed 
a new glory on the date last year. I trust we shall 
hear to-morrow. 

The blacks are right. They and they alone, 
freed by accident, have lost nothing and gained 
everything. 

I read the report of the committee — Wade and 
Gooch — on the Fort Pillow Massacre and the 
treatment of prisoners at Belle Isle. It is horrible, 
atrocious. History records no instances of such 
deliberate ferocity. They kill wounded negroes in 
bed because they are Yankee property and there- 
fore to be destroyed. They freeze and starve 
prisoners as a joke. Let Lincoln send a copy of 
this book to every home. It is better than the 
draft, or his greenbacks. These men were once 
our brethren. 

The lobbyists are counting up their gains. I 
know a gentleman who got $2500 for the whiskey 
bill. A judge who came here from New York got 
$100,000. QucBre — Which is worst, to sell one's 
influence or to sell one's vote? There are plenty 
uncensured who do the last. These fellows are 
really dexterous. They get men in possession of 
the floor, have bills offered to committees, — get 



244 Episodes of the Civil War 

them reported on, — manage the whole assembly 
by pressure at the proper moment on the right 
spot. 

It is a most interesting phenomenon to notice 
the dignity assumed by these freedmen. They 
address one another as Mr. and Miss, though only 
servants. The women carry parasols and lean 
on one another's arms and kiss one another as 
Court dames. The barbers and waiters sport 
ivory-headed canes. White people laugh, some 
swear, and most think we are in a revolution and 
every miracle is natural. Amidst the fun I saw 
groups of contrabands in butternut sitting in 
melancholy mood along the curbstone, as if they 
thought themselves an inferior order of negro. 

July Sth. Grant has not taken Petersburg, or 
we should have the news. 

Ewell is reported in Pennsylvania, in three col- 
umns, as last year. The weather is magnificent 
for a hurried ride into the rich meadows and grain 
fields of the Cumberland valley; and if Sigel 
remains at Harpers Ferry there is nothing in his 
way or in his rear. 

The Alabama sunk off Cherbourg by the Kear- 
sarge. A magnificent fight. And a good name 
Winslow for the victor. Welles did one sensible 
act by making him a commodore at once. What 
will the Herald have to say now against the old 
man of the sea? Much regret is expressed in true, 
extravagant, unsatisfied American style, that the 
Deerhound was allowed to pick up the survivors. 



The Capital in 1864 -45 

Little life lost for a naval action. I presume 
Semmes is the lion of Paris. He would be of 
Washington if he were here. 

July 6th. Mrs. General Wadsworth in town. 
She and her son Craig, who has just come from 
the army, after doing brave things, are off for 
home this morning. She is much broken by the 
shock of the General's death, but calmer than 
expected. The Wadsworth family at least have 
made their sacrifice. It is too much to ask that 
the widow of the General, while mourning for him, 
should be farther distressed by grieving about her 
son. 

They are stopping at "Wormleys'," the rich 
negro on I Street. How much the negroes of 
this city owe to him. 

Lincoln issues a proclamation proclaiming mar- 
tial law in Kentucky. The paper recites the whole 
history of the rebellion and looks too apologetic 
to be dignified. Why specially in Kentucky ? 

Curtin also calls for 12,000 one-hundred-day 
men to defend Washington and vicinity. He says 
he calls pursuant to a requisition from Lincoln, 
and at the same time remarks that the enemy is 
taking advantage of Grant's uncovering Washing- 
ton to invade Pennsylvania. Fessendcn is finally 
sworn in and Chase silences slanderous tongues by 
introducing him in person to the auditors, etc. 
He, Chase, is the first American who voluntarily 
retired from great power. No one in America has 
yet stepped from such a height. All presidents 



246 Episodes of the Civil War 

and secretaries have been of feeble influence in 
comparison with this President and Cabinet. 

July 6th. The report of John Winslow, Captain 
of the Kearsarge published. Three men badly- 
wounded. The report is modest as if he was 
unconscious of being a hero. 

The Paris Correspondent, " Americus," says that 
Semmes was ordered out by Dayton (through the 
French authorities) and that the Alabama was 
known to be lost if she engaged the Kearsarge. 
Therefore Semmes wished to get out of the scrape 
with a good grace and sent the challenge. I had 
rather it were otherwise. The English seem 
much galled by the sinking of their craft. The 
absence of Government and their followers is 
plainly visible in the greater stillness of the 
avenue and hotels. 

Read a speech of Senator Foot on the state of 
the country. It is an adaptation of one of Pat. 
Henry's speeches to the crises. These are some 
fine contracts, "Negotiate? With whom? Com- 
promise? What? Etc." It is eloquent and will 
do good to upset the maudlin cry about expense 
and loss of life. 

July /th. Some enthusiasts at Philadelphia are 
holding a conference to introduce an amendment to 
the Constitution, acknowledging "Almighty God 
as the source of all authority and power in Civil 
Government, the Lord Jesus Christ as the Gov- 
ernor among the nations, and his revealed will as 
the supreme Law of the Land." Jefferson and 



The Capital in 1864 247 

the lawyers who framed the instrument understood 
codes and constitutions. We are not a Theocracy. 
I trust they will let this poor Magna Charta first 
get safe over the rebellion. 

Smothering, murky weather. Curtin issues 
another proclamation for 12,000. The papers 
filled with rumors of the Rebel advance. Some 
place them at Middletown. The operator leaves 
Frederick. No news from Grant. No excitement 
about the Rebel raid here. It has got to be an oft 
told tale of incursions, depredations, and retreat. 
Reports of the Alabama fight from the English 
and French newspapers coming in. France is 
much fairer than England. I think the French 
hatred for per fide Albion and exultation over her 
naval discomfiture is visible in the Mo?iiteur. The 
Times (London) asks "Why did Semmes fight 
against unfair odds?" and dwells with ludicrous 
pathos (to us war-used Americans) upon the honor 
of a fight on Sunday when London was at church. 
The Star (London) is always exultant at the 
Federal success against a cowardly craft. The 
Manchester Examiner declares the Alabama has 
"sown a legacy of distrust and of future appre- 
hensions on both sides of the Atlantic. " Probably, 
England has fatally committed herself to the 
South. Her chastisement is a mere matter of 
time. All our papers are aglow. If Grant had 
whipped Lee on the Bois de Boulogne the specula- 
tions could not be greater. 

Saturday, July gth. The President issues pro- 



248 Episodes of the Civil War 

clamation for prayer on the first Thursday in 
August. Another, stating that he is unwilling to 
commit himself to any form of reconstruction 
under the act passed by Congress last session. 
This afternoon news that the Rebels have 
Frederick. Howe succeeded Sigel yesterday. 
Wallace seems to be beaten back. There has been 
much contemptuous indifference to this raid. 
Certainly the force must be large if they are the 
advance guard. If the main body is scattered 
as this force appears, it is not dangerous. A body 
of Army of Potomac Cavalry (the dismounted men 
of Torbet's Division who were mounted to-day) 
pass through as I am writing. No news from 
Grant except that he is encroaching and getting 
his heavy guns in position for an assault. The 
Herald wants the Government to make an instant 
demand for Semmes on the British Government. 
I hear Stanton says the reason of our falling back 
and not knowing the exact force of the Rebels is 
the personal cowardice of Sigel. I presume he was 
made timid by his large wagon train. Shall we 
repeat Antietam and Gettysburg? 

Tuesday, July loth. The raid culminates in an 
invasion. Wallace is driven back from Monocacy. 
Baltimore is frightened as Richmond during the 
Kilpatrick raid, and Washington is at last waking 
up from the apathy which is become the fashion 
and which is an affectation of coolness very differ- 
ent from the genuine sentiment. From the 
million rumors the following may be selected as 



The Capital in 1864 249 

more credible than the rest. Wallace announces 
the number of Rebels at 20,000. A proclamation 
issued by Governor Bradford of Maryland saying, 
"come in your leagues or come in militia companies 
— but come in crowds and come quickly. " 

The War Department is sending troops toward 
the north, — cavalry, infantry, artillery. None of 
the Army of the Potomac has yet passed through 
this city. The veteran reserves are passing out of 
town. The latest rumor was that the enemy's 
cavalry was at Rockville and Poolesville in all 
directions about town. 

Washington certainly appears more closely 
harassed than ever before. Yesterday many 
ex-officers offered their services to Stanton. He 
sends them to Augur and Augur says he doesn't 
know. It reminds me of Orestes Brownson's 
remark, "If you want to get your enthusiasm 
knocked out of you, go to Washington and talk to 
the President or to the members of his Cabinet. " 
Routine gives en:husiasm the cramps. 

July nth. The army is reported nearer, and the 
excitement is growing. This morning a woman 
came in and reports skirmishing at "Chrystal 
Springs," about two miles north of the city. At 
nine o'clock a few distant cannon shots were heard. 
The mail-carrier to Rockville is positive that a 
strong force of cavalry is at that town. Members 
of cavalry report that Grant knew of the intended 
raid, twenty thousand having disappeared from 
his front, and notified old Abe to look out for them. 



250 Episodes of the Civil War 

Curtin issues another proclamation upbraiding the 
citizens of Pennsylvania for not coming forward. 
There are more teams and soldiers about than I 
have seen since the second battle of Bull Run. 
The veterans are going into the forts and the 
quartermaster clerks take their places. We have 
generals enough here now: Augur, Doubleday, 
and Gillmore. 

What a pity Congress has adjourned. It would 
be pleasant to note the blustering of the opposition 
cast down. No business. All suspended. It is 
now certain that Ricketts's Division of the Army of 
the Potomac is in Maryland and about Frederick, 
The Rebels have never been sent back except by 
the Army of the Potomac — neither will these be. 

II A. M. More excitement, and a shower as an 
antidote. It appears that the defenses of Wash- 
ington, on the north, are commanded by McCork, 
and that our rifle-pits are manned. The President 
passed here this morning, escorted by a detach- 
ment of 8th Illinois Cavalry, on his way north to 
inspect the situation. The Florida appears in 
Chesapeake Bay, and to finish the confusion we 
have a fire in town. 

4 P. M., July nth. "Hextry Staar. Second 
Edition. Great Battle at Seventh Street" is 
the newsboys' cry. The paper says our troops 
have been attacked at Fort Massachusetts, with 
what truth it is impossible to say. I have seen 
some of the quartermaster's employees under arms. 
They take it moderately. The only visible sign, 



The Capital in 1864 251 

except the newspaper boys, of excitement, is the 
rapid gait at which men gallop through the streets. 
This is an affectation of business which I noticed 
many officers assume after the second battle of 
Bull Run. It is not exactly hypocrisy but a 
feeling that in an emergency one ought to seem 
to be doing great things, even if accomplish- 
ing nothing whatever. News is scarce, rumors 
abundant. 

10 P- M. Light out of darkness. The greater 
part of Lee's Army is in front of Washington and 
have attacked us at Tennallytown and Fort Mas- 
sachusetts beyond Seventh Street. The signal offi- 
cers of our army state that the troops of the Rebels 
stretch as far as the eye and glass can reach, until 
where they are hidden by the dust they raise. 
Men of the cavalry. New York and Massachusetts, 
have been killed. I saw about twenty Rebel pris- 
oners taken down the avenue. Some were dressed 
in butternut, some as enfants perdus, but all had 
some United States clothing. All railroad and 
telegraph communication is cut off. General 
Blair's and Governor Bradford's mansions burned. 
An attack in force is expected during the night. 
They would be fools if they waited. 

Senator Sumner stood talking a long time to my 
neighbor Hodge, evidently not quite easy. Surely 
the conflict commenced on his skull, he ought not 
to mind a siege. Grovers Theater in blast vive 
la joiel Everybody wonders why the citizens 
are not called out in force. An ordnance officer 



252 Episodes of the Civil War 

tells me the reason is, there are no arms here. 
Distant cannonading at intervals. 

The city still survives and men feel relieved. 
The weather is intensely hot. There appears to 
be continual skirmishing, however. I met a clerk 
who just came in from the front this morning who 
said he saw eleven dead carried back on Seventh 
Street. Last night about twelve a messenger came 
and said the Sixth Corps was lying stretched across 
Seventh Street ; that the camp-fires of the Rebels 
were distinctly visible, that a few shells fell inside of 
our lines, and all citizens were ordered back. Took 
a walk down the avenue this morning. There are 
few people on the pavement, but more than usual 
on the street. No butter in market but plenty 
of cattle driven in to escape the raid and offered 
for sale. Noticed this morning in The Chronicle 
that Major-General George Thomas calls out the 
militia and Brigadier-General Grocer Bacon is to 
command them! Went into the grocery, but no 
headquarters visible. Asked Bacon's brother 
where headquarters were; answered, "Damned 
if I know." 

Augur don't know. Nobody knows. Bacon 
more intent on weighing out sugar than shells. 
Things seem to go on as usual. Met Colonel 
Higgins of the 86th N. Y., just mustered out with 
a crooked leg and ball through his breast. He is 
one of the few I have met who refuses to accept a 
pension in the Invalid Corps, as long as he can 
make a living by his own exertions. It seems 



The Capital in 1864 253 

Major-General Franklin was captured on the cars 
on his way to Washington. 

July I2th, I.JO P. M. Heavy cannonading 
to the north of the city is heard here with great 
distinctness. The newsboys coining money over 
the excitement. The firing seems to be veering 
from northeast to northwest. Rumor has the 
engagement at Fort Lincoln, which is near Bladens- 
burg and commands the northern chain of forts. 
The city shows no signs of alarm, except being 
subdued as children in a thunderstorm, listening 
and waiting for the issue. It seems funny to 
hear the rumbling of street cars mixed with the 
rumbling of hostile cannon, the one of pleasure 
and business, the other of death and agony. But 
America is getting French and shouts ' 'laissez-faire. ' ' 
This is the second time the people of Washington 
have heard the enemy's guns, — the first being at 
Centerville during the Bull Run battle. The 
firing is one shot every two seconds. 

Rumor that Lincoln has been wounded. 

July i2tJi, 4 P. M. At 2.30, a division of the 
Sixth Corps marched up the avenue, evidently 
just from Petersburg. Oh, how delighted these 
fellows were. How well I could understand their 
joy at again seeing houses and citizens, shops and 
women. The Treasury employees cheered them 
enthusiastically. The cannonading has ceased. At 
three we had a fine rain which has cooled the earth. 
The result of the action I have not yet heard. 

Saw Dr. M — , the Secessionist whom I once 



254 Episodes of the Civil War 

arrested for cruelty to Federal wounded during 
McClellan's campaign, drive by Willard's with his 
negro, looking very happy. It is amusing to see 
shoemakers hammering, clerks copying, lawyers 
pleading, and ladies shopping while the shells are 
flying over our northern forts. Sang-froid is 
getting fashionable. The prevalent theory now 
is that Early is closely harassing the city while 
the main body is plundering undisturbed. 

July ijth. Early has gone — the Sixth Corps 
had no chance to drive him — taking with him 
droves of cattle. The city breathes free again. 
The siege is over. 

The underwriters breathe safe and the navy is 
vindicated. Pennsylvania is truly alarmed, for 
Couch reports six thousand cavalry on the banks 
of the Potomac, opposite Williamsport. The 
Gettysburg celebration was spoiled by it. But 
Sigel is safe at Harpers Ferry. Poor Sigell A 
treble failure would ruin Alexander. 

Governor Reeder of Easton, who might have 
been the ranking general of the army if he had 
accepted Cameron's offer, is dead. How different 
the whole face of affairs might be had he taken 
McClellan's place. 

The peace Democracy held a meeting at the 
West Capitol grounds, and wanted us to " Meet the 
South afar off, and kill the fatted calf. " Cox said 
the adjournment was ' ' the only wise thing Congress 
had yet done. The rest was all for the blacks. " 
A poem was delivered on "The Old Capitol. " 



CHAPTER XI 
CONSPIRACY TRIAL, 1865 

A FULL report of this trial may be found in a 
work called The Assassination of Abraham Lincoln, 
compiled by Benn Pitman (official stenographer 
of the court, published at Cincinnati, Ohio, in 
1865. This work included the charges against 
the prisoners, the testimony of witnesses, and the 
documents introduced in the case. The charges 
summarized are against Jefferson Davis and other 
prominent persons in the Confederate cause, 
together with the prisoners, to kill Abraham 
Lincoln, Seward, Johnson, et al., the conspiracy 
being made in the military district of Washington 
in March 1865. The court was composed of 
Union officers, comprising three major-generals, 
four brigadier-generals, and two colonels. The 
judge advocate general was Joseph Holt, assisted 
by Messrs. Bingham and Burnett of Ohio. The 
counsel for the prisoners was as follows : 

Dr. Samuel Mudd was defended by Frederick 
Stone of Maryland; Mary E. Surratt by Aikin & 
Clampitt and Reverdy Johnson of Washington; 
Herold by Stone; Arnold by Ewing of Ohio; Mc- 
Laughlin by Coxe of Washington; Spangler by 

255 



256 Episodes of the Civil War 

Ewing, and Payne and Atzerodt by the writer, 
of Pennsylvania. 

The proceedings covered four hundred and 
twenty-one printed pages. The trial began May 
12, 1865, and lasted until June 30th, when the 
court met and decided the case. The court sat 
at Washington in the arsenal, which was also 
used as a penitentiary. The sentence of the 
court was that Payne, Atzerodt, Herold, and Mrs. 
Surratt be hanged; McLaughHn, Mudd, and 
Arnold be imprisoned for life; Spangler undergo 
six years' solitary confinement. 

On July 5th, the sentences were ordered by the 
President to be carried out. On July 6th, an 
application for clemency was made in the forenoon 
to President Johnson but he declined to see the 
applicants. The same day, Mrs. Surratt and other 
prisoners applied to Judge Wiley, sitting in the 
Supreme Court of the District of Columbia for a 
writ of habeas corpus. The writ was issued to 
the marshal of the District of Columbia, with 
directions to bring the prisoners before the court. 
General Hancock and Attorney-General Speed 
appeared without the prisoners, and declined to 
give them up, on the ground that they had the 
orders of the President to execute the prisoners. 
Judge Wiley held that this was no good return, 
but that he was unable to compel the production of 
the prisoners held by a major-general with the 
division of infantry. The prisoners were then 
executed. 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 257 

An account of this trial can also be found in two 
volumes published in Boston by Benn Perly Poore 
and again, in one volume by Peterson, of Phila- 
delphia — both 1865. 

On May 12, 1865, being at that time engaged 
in the trial of causes before military courts at 
Washington, I was retained for the defense of 
Atzerodt, by his brother, a detective on the force 
of Marshal McPhail of Baltimore. The prisoner 
Payne being without counsel, the Assistant Judge- 
Advocate, General Burnett, requested me to take 
his case, also, as he had about as much of a chance 
to get off, as the other, that is — none at all. This 
I, at first, refused to do, on the ground that I had 
my hands more than full with one, considering the 
excited state of public feeling, and that, in fact, 
this was a contest in which a few lawyers were on 
one side, and the whole United States on the 
other — a case in which, of course, the verdict was 
known beforehand. I finally allowed my name 
to go down for Payne temporarily, but with the 
understanding that as soon as he could secure 
counsel for himself, I might and would withdraw. 
He never secured other counsel and I had to do the 
best I could for both clients. 

The circumstances under which, and the place 
where, the trial began, were not of a character to 
cheer counsel in their task. The charge in general 
was assassination — a crime against which modern 
civilization revolts and a charge unknown to our 
law books — upon a President and Secretary of 
17 



258 Episodes of the Civil War 

State, the first of whom by the downfall of the 
rebellion stood at the very pinnacle of public 
idolatry — the last of whom, by the same cause, 
and by a recent accidental fall from a carriage, 
enlisted the respectful sympathy of the public 
heart. The funeral of the President with its 
million illuminations, its crowds of mourners, its 
solemn catafalque and processions had just passed. 
The armies of the Republic were about to be 
assembled for a triumphal march through the 
Capitol. These things and the feehngs they 
inspired bore hard against the accused, in the 
minds of the loyal North, and could not help 
dispiriting counsel as much as they encouraged 
the ardor of the judge advocate, and tended to 
inflame the minds of the soldiers who composed 
the -court. 

Even among the enemies of the Republic, the 
prisoners had no friends. The rebels, surprised 
at the sudden fall of the Confederacy, eager to 
think with the triumphing side in a cordial way, 
the necessity among all disaffected people of now 
showing hands, found, in the appearance of a forlorn 
lot of conspirators, a most timely subject of com- 
mon reprobation — a most agreeable means of being 
identified with the loyal side — as if to abuse them 
or their counsel was to be put on the level of men 
who had been loyal throughout the war. 

Even the new President, the man most benefited 
by the offense charged, was interested in refuting, 
by a severe course, any suspicions of complicity. 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 259 

and already showed a pet pride in being esteemed 
of unshaken firmness — a pride which his Cabinet, 
being under a new master and Hable to his incHna- 
tions, was scarcely likely to oppose. 

More than all, it was the period proper for 
punishment of the rebellion, and somebody must 
be hanged for example's sake. 

Thus avoided, like the pestilence, by all classes, 
the accused had no reliance except in such little 
as counsel could do. That could not in the nat- 
ure of things be much. Before military courts 
prisoners are practically situated in a direction 
directly opposite from what they are in civil 
courts. They are presumed to be guilty and are 
called on to prove their innocence. In this case 
most of the evidence taken at the Bureau of 
Military Justice had been daily published as it 
was taken. The court had doubtless read it. 
The members could not help feeling that the coun- 
try expected them, on the evidence already known, 
to find the prisoners guilty. Their business was 
chiefly to discover the degrees of guilt and impose 
the sentences in regular form. They knew that 
one of the party had been shot without any trial, 
and the country applauded. Was it likely they 
apprehended trouble for or during the execution 
of the rest, with all the paraphernalia of a military 
trial and after six weeks' hearing? The brutal 
nature of a military court appears in this. After 
the argument in behalf of Payne was submitted the 
court adjourned for lunch. During lunch one of 



26o Episodes of the Civil War 

the members of the commission remarked, ' ' Well, 
Payne seems to want to be hung, so I guess we 
might as well hang him. " 

There were minor circumstances against the 
defense. The prosecution had had a month as- 
sisted by the whole war power of the Government, 
its railroads, telegraphs, detectives, and military 
bureau to get its evidence into shape. The 
prisoners did not receive their charges until the 
day the trial opened and then they could only 
communicate sitting in chains, with a soldier on 
each side, a great crowd surrounding them, and 
whisper through the bars of the dock to their 
counsel Had counsel been closeted with the 
prisoners for weeks, with the charges in their hands 
and the war power of the Government at their 
disposal, the odds might have been more even. 

Counsel were not independent. In all military 
courts they are only tolerated Here they were 
surrounded by bayonets and seated in a peni- 
tentiary. Every paper they read abused them. 
The judges could not be challenged. They were 
not peers, but high military officers. The names of 
witnesses were not given the prisoners. Tenden- 
cies, not facts, were admitted. The court, not 
knowing anything about the rules of evidence, 
ruled out practically everything the judge advo- 
cates objected to and admitted everything the 
counsel objected to. 

The witnesses were many of them detectives in 
the government pay. The judges were dependent 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 261 

on the Executive. The punishment was not 
fixed, but discretionary. The crimes were not 
defined by any known rules of law but were vaguely 
called offenses against the "common law of war. " 
In brief, the situation was as it has been admirably 
anticipated by Dr. Lieber in his essay on Civil 
Liberty. 

"The dire idea of acrimen exceptum gains ground. 
The reasoning, or rather unreasoning, is, that the 
crime is so enormous that the criminal ought not 
to have the same chance of escape, thus assuming 
that the accused, yet to be proved a criminal, is 
in fact a criminal, and forgetting that the graver 
the accusation is, and the severer therefore the 
punishment in case of established guilt may be, 
the safer and more guarded ought to be the trial." 

Under these distressing circumstances there was 
nothing to do except what lawyers have often tried 
before, but which no one to my knowledge has 
done successfully during the war — plead to the 
jurisdiction — that is to say, in language not tech- 
nical, to demonstrate to the court that the pris- 
oners, being citizens, had a right to be tried by a 
civil court, before a jury of citizens, which in 
this case would have been the Supreme Court of 
the District of Columbia. Judge Carter of Ohio, 
a personal friend of Lincoln's, was the president 
judge, and Olin, one of the associates, was a late 
Republican Representative from New York of a 
court created during the war, and which was in 
session at the very time these officers were assem- 



262 Episodes of the Civil War 

bled as a military court in the penitentiary. To 
prove to a military court that they have no right 
to try citizens should be no great task in a repub- 
lic. Every schoolboy who has read the Constitu- 
tion knows that it cannot lawfully be done in 
time of peace. Was this a time of peace? Cer- 
tainly the war was over; the armies had surren- 
dered in May, 1865. The whole North had re- 
joiced over peace. And the doors of the civil 
courts were open, ready to take charge of the pris- 
oners. There was no danger to any one by send- 
ing them before Carter; nothing to be gained by 
a military court except certainty of death, and 
shooting them as Booth was shot would have ac- 
complished that with far less expense. There was 
no difficulty in getting a jury as was seen in the 
subsequent trial of John Surratt. 

Reverdy Johnson, one of the counsel for Mrs. 
Surratt, saw this very clearly. He said at the 
outset: "The only hope of these people lies in a 
successful plea to the jurisdiction and a civil trial," 
and he as well as most of the other counsel laid 
their greatest strength on that. Of course, the 
success of one would be the success of all. I had 
had experience with that plea before, and never for 
a moment imagined these officers would dispute 
the sense of Stanton's orders, or doubt the law 
of Attorney-General Speed, who assured them 
they were all right. I did hope, however, that the 
people and the press would support it. Accord- 
ingly, I also plead to the jurisdiction as a matter of 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 263 

form. Mr. Johnson wrote out his long argument, 
and Mr. Aikin, one of his colleagues, read it to the 
court, although it was meant for the President 
and the people. It was very able and exhausted 
the subject. From what members of the court 
have since told me, it had no effect on them what- 
ever. They had Stanton's orders, and that was 
enough for them who were in the service of the 
United States. 

They retired, deliberated in secret, returned, and 
overruled the plea, that is, they decided they had 
a right to try them, and Judge Carter had none. 
This was about as sensible as taking the opinion 
of Chief Justice Chase on a disputed question 
of strategy. 

This was practically the end of my case, as far 
as any show of legal defense was concerned. The 
rest was firing pistol shots against siege guns — two 
men in irons against a dozen major-generals, with 
a swarm of detectives within the penitentiary and 
a division of infantry outside. 

Besides pleading to the jurisdiction, Reverdy 
Johnson once and once only took part in person 
in the defense, probably to avoid the odium. 
This was when the witness Weichmann gave his 
damaging testimony against Mrs. vSurratt. As 
he was about to take the witness in hand. General 
Harris arose and objected to him as a person who 
could not take the prescribed oath, as he had 
advised the people of Maryland that a certain oath 
was not binding. 



264 Episodes of the Civil War 

This attack brought out Mr. Johnson, and I 
have always considered his reply as a magnificent 
exhibition of moral courage against physical force. 
The walls were lined with soldiers and bayonets; 
he stood inside of the penitentiary and before an 
excited military commission of generals, with a 
determined and excitable president at its head. 
He calmly recounted the facts about his advice to 
the people of Maryland, and every one felt when 
he said : ' ' But let me ask who constituted you the 
arbiters of the morals of the bar ? Let me tell you 
that I have taken the oath you speak of before the 
Senate of the United States, of which I am a 
member, — the body which creates armies and 
navies and makes major-generals, " that his adver- 
sary was prostrate. The court retired and ad- 
mitted Johnson, without the oath. 

I cannot help believing that Johnson's absence 
during the rest of the trial had a bad effect on his 
client's cause, on account of the conclusion drawn 
by many, that he had given up her case. 

During the first two weeks of the trial I could 
get nothing out of Payne either as to his previous 
history, or as to anything he might have to say in 
his own defense, or as to whether he wished to be 
defended at all. During all this time I knew very 
little more of him than the public generally, and 
not near as much as the prosecution, and was in 
great doubt whether to explain his conduct by 
lunacy, unparalleled stupidity or fear of prejudicing 
his cause by communications with his counsel. 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 265 

He would sit bolt upright with the back of his head 
against the wall; his two manacled hands spread 
out on his knees, staring straight forward at the 
crowd behind the president of the court. The 
curiosity to see the prisoners was wonderful and 
the crowd sometimes so great as to prevent counsel 
from seeing what the court was doing. The heat 
too began to be excessive and, as the ventilation was 
poor, the situation was extremely uncomfortable. 
By the time the prosecution had got to the 
middle of their evidence concerning Payne, and 
when he had been identified, standing up with his 
hat and coat on, by Seward's negro boy, the ap- 
proaching danger seemed to thaw him out. One 
Saturday afternoon he asked me what next day 
was. I answered, "Sunday." He then said if 
I could get down to the arsenal and could procure 
a private interview with him he would like to tell 
me something. I saw him next day in the court 
room alone, although sentinels were at each door, 
outside. He then gave me the history of his life 
disconnectedly, but kept very still about his share 
in the transaction, at first. He inquired how Mr. 
Fred. Seward was getting along and, when he was 
told, said he was sorry he had hurt the young man 
and owed him an apology. This he said often 
afterwards. His mind seemed of the lowest order, 
very little above the brute, and his moral faculties 
equally low. On hearing the narrative, I imme- 
diately concluded that the only thing possible to 
be done on his behalf was to let the court know all 



266 Episodes of the Civil War 

that I knew about his mental and moral nature 
and his previous education. This, by the rules of 
evidence which were strictly enforced against the 
prisoners, but relaxed in favor of the prosecution, 
could only be done under the plea of insanity, 
which was accordingly adopted. Under the plea 
of not guilty, I had no recourse except to show that 
he was not the man Seward's negro took him to be, 
and I could not show that. Even under the plea of 
insanity I could not let the court talk to the pris- 
oner, and find out for itself what a phenomenon he 
was. That was to be done by experts. He could 
not remember for a long time what State or County 
he was born in or how old he was. Dr. Nichols 
was called, examined him, and gave me to under- 
stand that he had grave doubts of the prisoner's 
sanity. Just as he was about to testify on that 
point a messenger arrived stating that his wife was 
on the point of death. She died, and his testimony 
could not be had. This was a great blow. 

Dr. Hall, another eminent physician of Washing- 
ton, who was the first doctor called in to see Mr. 
Lincoln after he was shot, also examined him. 
He also testified that he had doubts about the 
soundness of his mind. All agreed that his phys- 
ical system was greatly deranged. It is singular, 
however, that all the army surgeons who were 
examined swore the other way, and the prosecution 
knew better than to call civilians who made in- 
sanity a specialty. I have never entertained a 
doubt myself, that the man was not what is termed 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 267 

compos mentis, i. e., a person of average understand- 
ing but in that respect a dwarf. Either this or 
he played his part very well to the end. Neither 
have I any doubt that before a civil tribunal where 
the court would have waited until I received my 
witnesses from Florida (which this court would not 
do) and could have inquired into his previous 
conduct the physicians would have declared him 
not an accountable being, on account of his utter 
dullness, and inability to decide between right and 
wrong. 

General Harris, a physician, one of the members 
of the commission, before I thought of this plea, 
suggested to me that a person constipated as 
Payne was well known to be, must be entirely out 
of order, and that this was a general accompanying 
symptom of the early stages of insanity. After 
the plea was made public Miss Anna Surratt (the 
daughter of the prisoner, Mrs. Surratt) assured me 
that Payne's conduct at their house was that of a 
perfect fool, and her belief was that he had not 
his five senses. She grew hysterical, however, 
every time I brought her to the stand and I 
am not sure but her acquaintance with him 
would have only injured his case — as far as it was 
injurable. 

When I first offered my testimony of insanity, 
Bingham, in a violent manner, as was his custom, 
would have it that I must lay the foundation of 
insanity first. I claimed that the prosecution had 
done that already in showing the circumstances of 



268 Episodes of the Civil War 

his arrest, when he appeared, flimsily disguised, 
saying, "I'm mad! I'm mad!" and the like. 

Governor Andrew of Massachusetts, who was 
sitting by my side at the time, remarked that 
Bingham's position was wrong, and it would be a 
shame if the commission ruled me out. But they 
did. In addition to the physicians I had early 
summoned Mrs. and Miss Bronson of Baltimore, 
at whose house he had stayed, in the hope of learn- 
ing something about him. They were so fright- 
ened that nothing could be got from them except 
that he had nearly beaten the servant to death, 
because she did not clear out his room. Other- 
wise they said he had behaved himself with 
extreme quietness, scarcely ever saying anything. 

In this way the commission heard everything 
that I knew that could be of advantage to him, — 
some things not so favorable. One of the detec- 
tives in charge of Payne told me I should call him, 
— he could swear he was crazy. I did so, and he 
swore Payne said "they were tracking him pretty 
close." I dispensed with further detective testi- 
mony. 

The history of the prisoner as he gave it to 
me was arranged and given to the commission 
as it appeared at the time. (See Argument in 
Benn Pitman's Report.) Some things should be 
added. He said he was a member of Mosby's 
Gang, and on deserting, changed his name from 
Powell to Payne in Alexandria, where he took the 
oath of allegiance. The plan about medicines, and 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 269 

the pretext that he was a messenger from Dr. 
Verdi, Seward's physic'an, he got from Herold, 
who was an apothecary's boy. After abandoning 
his horse he took to the woods north of Fort 
Lincoln and stayed there three days, in the top 
of a cedar tree. The skirmishers passed right 
below him — backwards and forwards. The blood 
on his sleeve came from his own finger which was 
hurt in the struggle with Frederick Seward. He 
wiped the blood there after leaving. He threw 
away his coat, disguised himself with his drawers, 
and pick, and came to town because he could not 
stand hunger any longer. Came to Mrs. Surratt's, 
because she was the only person he knew in Wash- 
ington, to get something to eat. Booth never told 
him what his plans were until 8 o'clock of the 
evening of the assassination. Mrs. Surratt was in- 
nocent. Near the end of the trial a report spread 
that Mr. Seward, in pursuance of a sagacious and 
generous policy, would in case Payne was sen- 
tenced to death, ask for his pardon, on the ground 
that it was not right that he should outlive his own 
murderer — and some pretended to predict this with 
certainty. The prisoner when he heard of it failed 
to put the slightest confidence in it. He had made 
up his mind that death was the only door through 
which he would ever leave the penitentiary. The 
sudden death of Mrs. Seward at the very time 
quenched all hopes on that score. Still the fact 
remains that the prisoner was never connected 
directly with a conspiracy to kill Mr. Lincoln and 



270 Episodes of the Civil War 

legally could be found guilty only of an assault and 
battery on Mr. Seward, with intent to kill — a 
penitentiary offense. 

Between the end of the trial and the publication 
of the sentence on the 6th of July, at a time when 
the newspapers were full of descriptions of the 
prisoners and their defenses, I was startled one 
evening by the appearance in my office of a tall, 
muscular, and well-dressed gentleman, who said he 
was from the eastern shore of Maryland, and who 
asserted with great emphasis that Payne was his 
younger brother, an insane man, who had escaped 
from a private lunatic asylum the year before, and 
of whom his family had lost all traces, until reading 
a description of Payne in the newspapers, they 
felt sure that he was their fugitive brother. The 
family physician had already visited the com- 
mission and identified him beyond mistake. I 
scrutinized him closely and there certainly ap- 
peared to be in the height of the two, complexion, 
and general air a resemblance. I told him he could 
see the prisoner in the morning, when the court 
opened, but his anxiety of mind was so great that 
he must have an interview with him that very night. 
I must jump into his cab and see the Secretary of 
War about a pass. Having to do with a member 
of an insane family, I yielded. The Secretary of 
course refused. Not baffled, the stranger drove 
to the arsenal, and tried to prevail on General Hart- 
ranft to admit him, but without success. Next 
morning, long before the hour of opening, the 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 271 

stranger was on hand, sitting before the dock. 
When Payne entered he at least did not recognize 
the other staring him in the face. After an atten- 
tive examination he came to the conclusion that 
everything was his brother except the shape of 
the nose, and left greatly disappointed. 

When I saw Payne last in his cell even his forti- 
tude seemed to be shaken by the hurried way in 
which he was to be executed. The sentence was 
read to him on the afternoon of July 6th and he 
was to be executed next day at i p. M. I visited 
him just before the execution. He had been 
removed from his old cell to the ground floor. 
He had heard the noise of the hammers on the 
scaffolding. He was crouched like a tiger at bay, 
in the farthest corner of his cell, his eyes red and 
glaring. The corridor was at this time full of 
friends of the prisoners, but his own were in 
Florida. He thanked me heartily for the trouble 
he had given me, and offered me his jack-knife, 
as the only earthly thing he had to give, which I 
declined. On his way to the scaffold as he walked 
between two soldiers I saw for the first time what 
a splendid carriage, height, and physical develop- 
ment he had. Coming next after Mrs. Surratt, 
who was half carried and half supported by the 
soldiers, he was obliged to stop occasionally and as 
he did so would look around on the spectators with 
a calm but haughty expression. 

When he was seated on the scaffold a gentle wind 
from the bay sprung up and blew off the little 



2^2 Episodes of the Civil War 

round sailor hat some one had bought for him 
and stuck jauntily on his head. He instantly 
turned to recover it, as if it were the most mport- 
ant thing that the sun should not dazzle the eyes 
that a few moments later were closed forever. 
During the trial I wrote repeatedly to his father, 
but it was not until long after the trial and execu- 
tion that I received the following : 

THE father's letter 

Live Oak, East Florida, Sept. 30, 1865. 

Dear Sir: On my return home some days since, 
I found your very welcome letter, which brought me 
some interesting items in reference to my unfortunate 
and lamented son. Be assured, sir, that your kind- 
ness both to him and myself are highly appreciated. 
At the time your first letter reached me I was confined 
to my bed, and it was received only the day before 
the execution. I did not answer it, for I intended to 
come to Washington as soon as possible, and started as 
soon as I could travel. At Jacksonville I met the sad 
intelligence of his execution and returned home in sor- 
row, such as is not common for human hearts to bear. 

As to his early history, he was born in the State 
of Alabama, April 22, 1844 (I see by a statement of 
his that he was mistaken by one year in his age). 
In the twelfth year of his age he made a profession of 
religion, and from that time he lived a pious life up 
to the time of his enlistment. He was soon ordered 
to Virginia. From that time forward I know nothing 
of him only by letter. He was always kind and tender- 
hearted, yet determined in all his undertakings. He 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 273 

was much esteemed by all who knew him, and bid 
fair for usefulness in Church and State. Please 
accept the warmest thanks of myself and family for 
the services rendered the unfortunate youth. 
Very truly and sincerely yours, 

George C. Powell. 

atzerodt 

As before stated I was retained for this prisoner 
by his brother. It is a remarkable instance of the 
discord of civil war that this same brother, who 
was a detective on the force of Provost Marshal 
McPhail of Baltimore, had both given the informa- 
tion which lead to his brother's arrest and paid for 
his defense after he was arrested. Atzerodt's 
brother-in-law was one of McPhail's deputies and 
was placed in the same double character of helping 
to denounce and helping to defend his relative. 
It appears that George, the accused, had visited 
Baltimore a short time before the assassination and 
talked so largely about his probable speedy wealth 
that they suspected him and gave McPhail an 
account of his strange conduct. This lead to 
nothing. But after it was over they knew that he 
had gone to another brother-in-law Hartman, in 
Maryland, and themselves piloted the detachment 
of Baker to the house. The whole family were 
Germans, and were much troubled, between the 
desire to prevent being complicated with the guilt 
of George, and the desire to help him out of his 
scrape. 
18 



274 Episodes of the Civil War 

They all appeared to be constitutionally of a 
vacillating and irresolute frame of mind. The 
effect of this situation and temper of his relatives 
made his defense more difficult still. I scarcely 
knew whether they wanted him acquitted or con- 
victed. In the subpoenaing of witnesses they were 
afraid, if they got him off, to lose their places in 
the United States employ. Consequently, his 
witnesses seldom came to time. 

Atzerodt from the time I first saw him until he 
was executed told the same story which he after- 
wards told in his confession — that he knew nothing 
of the assassination plot, until two hours before it 
was carried out, and that then he refused to have 
anything to do with it. Being in, as far as he was, 
he had to keep up appearances. His part was to 
kill Mr. Johnson, he said. He had ample oppor- 
tunity but did not intend to do it. His defense lay 
mainly in showing this — that he had abundant 
occasion to carry out such an intention had it 
existed, that the President was in his room all 
night, with the door open. The only witness who 
could have shown this was the President himself. 
I subpoenaed him to appear and testify, but he 
did not come. I issued another subpoena. He 
then sent me word through his private Secretary 
that he did not intend to come. That I should 
subpoena Governor Fairchild who had come to his 
room to inform him of the assassination. I did 
subpoena him, but his evidence was of course not 
sufficient to prove the condition of a room for the 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 275 

previous two hours. I pressed Mr. Johnson no 
further, for I did not care to irritate the very man 
who could pardon the prisoner, and also must have 
known that to Atzerodt's unwillingness he was 
indebted for his life. The sequel showed, however, 
that he did not consider this. There was nothing 
about this prisoner's appearance to win favor with 
a court of military men. He looked demoralized 
and low. During the period that elapsed between 
his sentence and execution, he oscillated between 
a condition of moaning stupor, kneeling, and cry- 
ing, "Oh! Oh! Oh!" and again begging in piteous 
accents to know whether there was no hope at all. 
It was heart-rending to see. 

He appeared to think that his confession to Mar- 
shal McPhail and to Captain Monroe had secured 
his pardon, at least. Besides, he placed great re- 
liance on the efforts of his family and McPhail to 
get him pardoned. I was at the President's on 
the morning of the execution, but saw none of 
his friends, although since Miss Surratt failed 
to get any mercy, I suppose their efforts would 
have been fruitless. His family made many at- 
tempts to get his body but, at that time, without 
avail. ' 

The actor Booth had been subpoenaed on behalf 
of these prisoners to show the influence his brother 
exerted over weaker minds. He came but said he 
knew less of his brother, probably, than any one — 
that he had had nothing to do with him for years. 

' General Muzzey told us the President would not see us. 



276 Episodes of the Civil War 

/ Booth's mistress, Ella Turner, a rather pretty, 
light-haired, little woman was also on hand. But 
that sort of evidence was not very much to the 
point and they were dismissed without examination. 
Mrs. Surratt was sick during a great part of this 
trial. Her dress and manner were certainly emi- 
■■^ently respectable. There was an air of undeniable 
latronly, or rather motherly, innocence in her 

' lace that went a great way. I judged that in her 
youth she was the belle they claimed she had been. 
Her sickness was change of life, which weakened 
her greatly. Her cell by reason of her sickness, 
was scarcely habitable. I doubt whether she 
knew much of her execution. She behaved as one 
that was three-fourths dead. To me the most 
harrowing part of her execution was to see her 
bonnet removed by two soldiers and the rope put 
around her neck. It was the meeting of the ex- 
tremes of what is esteemed sacred and what is 
deemed infamous. During her execution, her 
daughter Anna was present in a room on the second 
floor of the arsenal. She sat at one window and I 
at another, which windows commanded the yard. 
She stood by one of the windows until the rope was 
fixed. Then she fell down in a swoon. 

HEROLD 

The prisoner Herold was the most reckless and 
boyish of the party and seemed considerably 
pleased by the attention he attracted. He was 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 2']i 

frequently calling one or the other of the counsel 
to him to make suggestions that were puerile. 
When the defense of Mrs. Surratt appeared to be 
making out a tolerable case in her behalf, by show- 
ing the real character of the witnesses against her, he 
appeared jealous of her good luck and said: "That 
old lady is as deep in as any of us." This, how- 
ever, was stoutly denied by Payne and Atzerodt, 
who constantly and repeatedly stated that Mrs. 
Surratt was entirely innocent of the conspiracy. 
This was said by Payne a very few minutes before 
his execution. After the execution I hurried out 
of the arsenal in front of which a big crowd was 
standing and shouting "Judicial murder!" 

During the last days of the trial the triumphant 
army came to Washington. Having heard all the 
bitterness of citizens, who had never exposed their 
lives in the field, pressing for the execution of the 
prisoners, and having read the vindictive notices of 
counsel in the newspapers for daring to do their 
professional duty when there was some little merit 
in it, it was refreshing as the morning dew to hear, 
as I did, from many battle-stained veterans, 
that while they abhorred the crime as much as any 
one, they despised the cowardly commission pro- 
cess, by which the Government, which they had 
just made so gloriously triumphant, was slowly 
crushing a few stragglers from the rebel camp 
which itself was just magnanimously paroled; they 
had no sympathy with a contest wherein a few 
prosecuting advocates in uniform, who never 



278 Episodes of the Civil War 

smelt powder, sought to divide the honors of the 
triumph with their comrades in the field; they 
thought the laurels of no soldier would be the 
greener for being sprinkled with a woman's blood. 
I have thought since then, that they felt intuitively 
that an Administration which was capable of 
carrying on this trial might also turn its back on 
the discharged volunteers. Had Johnson's in- 
tuitions been equally keen he might have foreseen 
that an advocate who was willing to harangue 
Mrs. Surratt to death might try afterwards to 
harangue him out of office. 

Considering that at this late day the guilt of 
Mrs. Surratt is still an open question, the innocence 
of Atzerodt most probable, I am forced to the con- 
clusion that this trial before a military commission 
overshot its mark and was a great mistake. 

This trial settled nothing. It lead to four execu- 
tions but a lynching would have done that. The 
certainty of guilt upon well-defined and known 
crimes on which our notions of justice rest was 
never had. That entire ventilation of the transac- 
tion which is essential in a free country is still 
unmade. The license with which the Government 
dragged into this trial a thousand details of yellow- 
fever plots, steamboat burnings, and other things 
that were utterly foreign to the issue and which had 
no other effect than to inflame the public against 
the prisoners, showed a barbarous disregard or 
rather contempt for the settled barriers of legal 
inquiry. And the haste with which the con- 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 ^79 

demned prisoners were dispatched,, while all the 
leaders of the rebellion were allowed to go free, 
shows an unfair discrimination and a heat of 
passion utterly unlike the calm and fair features 
of eternal justice. 

The character of Mr. Johnson, as afterwards 
revealed, shows more clearly why these people 
were so summarily hanged. His obstinacy and 
self-will when opposed by appeals for mercy or 
magnanimity of sentiment carried him to the 
opposite extreme of rigor. The suspicion that 
he might have been one of them made him hasten 
to show by severity that his hands were clean. 

It was not the dangerous legal precedent as it 
was by some feared of becoming, there being only 
one notable military trial afterwards; but strange 
to say, and yet it seems simple enough now, it 
became a political precedent, in other words, it 
taught the President, from the outset, that no 
matter what fantastic freak of arbitrary power he 
might be disposed to play, and no matter whom he 
might begin a controversy with, whether with Sum- 
ner, Stevens, the Volunteers, the Republican party 
itself, or finally with Grant, Congress, and Stanton, 
he would never want, if not a party, at least a ring 
of sycophants, ready to prove that he was right, 
and all the rest of the world were in the wrong. 

See comments on this trial in a work called 
The ConsHtut on of the United States, by John 
Randolph Tucker, vol. ii., page 650, published at 
Chicago, 1899: 



28o Episodes of the Civil War 

"Another case well calculated to shock the public 
sentiment of the country in respect to the danger of 
the military power has occurred. In violation of the 
fifth amendment to the Constitution, to be hereafter 
referred to, Mrs. Surratt, a woman, not a soldier in 
the army of the United States or subject to militia 
duty, was arrested and tried by a court-martial for the 
deplorable assassination of President Lincoln, which 
tribunal, by the fifth amendment, had no jurisdiction 
in such cases. She was condemned to death. She 
sued out a petition for the writ of habeas corpus to 
bring under the jurisdiction of the civil courts in the 
capital of the country the power of the court-martial 
to condemn her to death. The writ was issued by 
Mr. Justice Wiley, one of the judges of the District 
of Columbia. With the precedent of General Cad- 
walader's defiance of the order of Chief Justice Taney 
before them, the militarv disobeyed the order of Mr. 
Justice Wiley, and this woman, in the shadow of the 
Capitol, under a jurisdiction utterly unconstitutional, 
and by a military power in defiance of the jurisdiction 
of the civil courts, was hung. It will be perceived, 
therefore, that the suspension of the writ of habeas 
corpus screened the unconstitutional jurisdiction of 
the court-martial from the scrutiny of the civil courts, 
and under cover of this the military power was left 
without restraint to work the death of its victim in 
defiance of the Constitution of the country. This 
construction, therefore, is not only fatal to the liberty 
but to the life of the citizen, and puts his liberty and 
life in the hand of the executive." 

As regards the conduct of the judge advocates, 
that of Mr. Holt was courteous and moderate 



Conspiracy Trial, 1865 281 

throughout, so was that of Colonel Burnett. This, 
however, cannot be said for Mr. Bingham. His 
mind seemed to be frenzied and his conduct 
violent. It must always be deplored that Mr. 
Holt's last days were embittered by a controversy 
between him and Mr. Johnson on the question 
whether Mr. Holt had delivered to the President 
the recommendation of a majority of the court 
asking mercy for Mrs. Surratt. 

As regards counsel for the defense, General 
Ewing, after the trial, settled in New York and 
acquired eminence in his profession. Mr. Coxe 
became judge of the Supreme Court of the District 
of Columbia and by a curious irony of fate was 
obliged to try Guiteau for the assassination of 
Garfield. In the light of the result of that trial 
we can form a tolerably clear idea as to what would 
have happened to these prisoners if they had been 
tried before Judge Carter, on the charge of murder. 
Payne would either have been acquitted, on the 
ground of insanity, or, if convicted, would have 
been sentenced to a long term in the penitentiary. 
Atzerodt would probably have been convicted, 
but would have received a light sentence. Herold 
would have been convicted and sent to the peni- 
tentiary for a long term. Arnold, Spangler, and 
Mudd would have been acquitted. Mrs. Sur- 
ratt would have been confronted again with the 
testimony of her tenant Lloyd and her boarder 
Weichmann, who turned State's evidence to 
save their necks, and the court would have 



282 Episodes of the Civil War 

been obliged to charge that they could believe 
these witnesses only as accomplices if they were 
corroborated. 

With the previous good character of defendant, 
the jury would probably have regarded Mrs. Sur- 
ratt's declarations as those of an embittered 
Southern woman, and nothing more, and acquitted 
her. 












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